# Tikhonov Vladimir.Chung Mong-joon:road to Power Paved by Soccer Balls?

Vladimir Tikhonov

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Vladimir Tikhonov (Oslo University)

Chung Mong-joon: Road to Power Paved by Soccer Balls?


When South Koreas former soccer chief, Chung Mong-joon, launched his presidential campaign, my first reaction was, frankly, deep surprise. I wondered why a person of his standing, born and nurtured in privilege, would like to bother himself with such money sucking and exhausting endeavor as nation-wide electoral campaign. For, even without such an extravaganza, he already possessed more than his would-be competitors can dream.

Chung Mong-joon... A son of Hyundais "dynasty founder" became the director (sajang) of Hyundai Heavy Industries at 31 - tender age, when an average South Korean still has to make efforts to read his/her superiors mind (nunchi-reul poda, in the famous idiomatic expression) and establish some foothold for the future career. Ulsan University Chairman of the Board of Trustees at 32 - the age average budding scholar in Korea still languish over dissertation and has difficulties obtaining even part-time lecturing job, not to speak about chairmanship over the whole university. And, finally, parliament deputy at 37 - among the youngest in that worthy congregation of overweening elders. Well, should we laugh at North Korea and the meteor-like career of the son of the "Great Leader"? As we can see, "princes of blood" in our own society hardly have to envy Norths Mr. Kim Chung-Il, for they are allowed to climb the ladder at equally dizzy speed. But then, what on Earth could push that denizen of executive suits, a world-level VIP with lots of privileges and not so many duties, to the fatiguing, arduous job of a presidential hopeful? Why did not he, a worldwide investor of some distinction, prefer to put his time and money into something else in his world of limitless choices?


Well, to read in the hearts is not exactly the job of the present author - what he can suggest are some general remarks based on the conventional understanding of the socio-psychological set-up of Mr. Chungs social class. "Chapcho" complex of the fathers - feeling of inferiority a nouveau riche hardly can avoid in the society bent on respect towards learned yangban lineages of scholar-officials - commonly led the second generation of chaebol kings to collecting the most yangban-smelling things available in todays world, namely official and academic titles. Actually, impressive collection possessed by Mr. Chung - 4 times successive MP record, professorships in Japan (Tokyo University) and PhD from USA (John Hopkins University), not to speak about professorships in Korea - seems to be imposing enough to forget about non-aristocratic pedigree of Hyundais dynasty. Does he have to occupy Blue House for 5 years to assert his modern days yangban status in the most unquestionable way? Other guess that strikes an observer is whether Mr. Chungs attachment to the presidency may be considered also a Confucian wish to realize his fathers thwarted presidential ambitions. Again, why should we laugh at North Koreas "Dear Leader" faithfully following the course of "yuhun tongchi" ("ruling in accordance with fathers will") if familial wills play largely the same role in the life of our own "social aristocracy"? Seen from larger historical prospective, Mr. Chungs presidential bid looks also as a decisive sign of the changing power balance between the two dominant groups in South Korean society - officialdom/politicians and chaebol owners. Nurtured and controlled by the developmental dictatorships in the 1960-80th, chaebols started to independently assert themselves from 1987 and, using the leverage of political money contributions, largely succeeded in imposing their agenda on all the main conservative political fractions. Did Mr. Chung wish to go further in the same direction and affirm chaebols political leadership, not simply their interests (already well-protected by most mainstream politicians anyway)? Defeated by Roh Moo-hyun in the "candidacy unification" showdown, Mr. Chung hardly will grab the presidency this time, but whoever would be the final winner, it is clear that Mr. Chung succeeded in firmly establishing himself in the political arena anyway. And, whoever will take the power will have to show deference to both Hyundai dynasty and chaebol community as a whole. The times Pak Chong-Hee summoned chaebol owners to his office and gave them clear, elaborate orders and production targets seem to be completely over and the opposite is the case: Blue House will have to cautiously follow chaebols opinions and wishes so far the economy will be concerned. "Chung-pung", sudden outburst of support towards "smart and fascinating" soccer chief, has shown very well that chaebols are the force to be reckoned with in the politics.


But, Chungs motives for launching his presidential bid being as complex as they are, what on earth were the motives of his supporters, those 25%-30% of the voters that were prepared to cast their ballots in Chungs favor in the peak days of his popularity? What attracted them, total strangers to the world of chaebol boardrooms and golf courses, to the ageing prince of Hyundai kingdom? The sudden rise of a Hyundai heir to the heights of nation-wide political influence shows in the clearest possible way how some pre-modern features are intertangled with essentially post-modern rules of game in the realm of Korean politics. Certainly pre-modern, in a way, were the visible bonds of loyalty between these Hyundai labor leaders who declared their allegiance to the presidential bid of their boss, and Mr. Chung. Given the fact, that Mr. Chung, to put it mildly, was not renown for leniency towards his workers when he run Hyundai Heavy Industries, "faithfulness" towards him on the part of some of the representatives of Hyundais unionized employees looks somewhat grotesque. But that is exactly where large part of Koreas labor movement, unfortunately, stands - feeling of belonging to one common "paegeori" (tightly-knit collective) with the bosses stifles the sprouts of both civil and class-consciousness. As for post-modern in Mr. Chungs phenomenon, I mean, first and foremost, the politics of imagery that made him into a full-blown political star. Hardly even one hundredth of those who replied to the pollsters that they "supported" Mr. Chung for the presidency had any idea who their favorite REALLY was: how he used to spend his average day, how he used to deal with his underlings, or where he preferred to invest his money, for example. Mr. Chungs real life goes on in the world most of his "supporters" dont and will never know at all. What they were offered to consume - and consumed - were just images accurately edited and doctored with the only intent to suit the archetypes of "smart leader" common to certain target groups of the voters. And the trick worked - millions of people who considered themselves Mr. Chungs fans did not even try to ask what methods "smart" and "modern" soccer chief employed towards Hyundai workers during the heated labor struggles of the 1980s. That is a good example of what post-modern late capitalism made of politics, commonly reduced now to a set of political technologies aimed at gaining at any cost electoral legitimacy for a carefully selected figure from the "inner circle" of the dominant class. This tendency is universal - I wonder, for example, how many Americans did realize whom they were choosing when they cast their ballots for G.W.Bush two years ago? But in Korea, where even to mention "class-consciousness" was a serious crime for such a long time, where even moderate liberals, not to speak of progressives, possess only marginal influence in the media, carefully designed set of electoral tactics can buy you high approval ratings with unbelievable ease - of course, if you are able and willing to pay.


What tactics do I mean? First of all, it is a fact of common knowledge that Koreas unexpected success during the last soccer World Cup was exactly the launch pad for Mr. Chungs meteoric political rise. The Cup forced the three major conservative newspapers that basically supported - and continue to support - Mr. Lee Hoi-Changs candidacy, to allow for very extensive coverage of soccer chiefs activities, and that was the fundament he could begin to build up his PR tactics on. Then, soccer victories gave to Mr. Chung - basically, an international investor who needs Korea more for political and diplomatic support of his world-wide entrepreneurial activities but hardly constrains himself too much by excessive loyalty to any given nation-state - a sort of "patriotic", "nationalist" credentials the international high-flier hardly could earn any other way. Mr. Chungs investment into Koreas Football Association paid off spectacularly - after the media-hyped soccer "triumphs" of June 2002, Mr. Chung no longer was, in the eyes of Koreas media-consumers, the old Hyundai executive notorious for heavy-handed labor practices and mediocre MP of no particular legislative record. He was now the embodiment of "triumphant, confident Korean nation", the organizer of what media blew into "unprecedented national victory". Sports play the major role in the making of a nation as an "imagined community", the historians say unanimously. As we can see, they also play quite a role in the making of certain ambitious capitalists into self-styled national leaders.

Then, when asked to explain their sudden outburst of sympathy to Mr. Chung, most supporters in their 20s and 30s cite his "smart" (meotchin), "neat and tidy" (kkalkkeumhan) appearance and his "internationalized", "global citizen-level" "manners". What they really admire seems to be not only Mr. Chungs studied appearance of "dignity" and "stateliness", but also his "international" credentials - even in Koreas parliament where many can proudly boast imposing collections of "honorary" PhDs from abroad (fact that tells a lot about the state of morals in many of worlds "prestigious" universities), it is not that easy to find one more Board Member of USAs Asia Society and John Hopkins University! It really looks like a contradiction but many of the same youngsters that angrily demonstrate against USAs shameless cover-up in the case of two middle school students murdered by American armored vehicle, are still awed and deeply moved by the sight of "our Korean" being accepted on ostensibly equal footing by the USA establishment. Reckless "colonial" behavior, especially by the GIs in Korea, does produce tremendous resentment; but deeply-seated belief in Americas omnipotence and greatness, combined with age-old, inferiority complex-propped ambition to see "humble us" being honored and accepted by "mighty them", still seems to remain one most important single component of Koreas popular world view. In such a milieu, designer-dressed, "gentlemanly" mannered Mr. Chung, with his impeccable credentials from world sports bureaucracy and some of the most exclusive American boardrooms, is "doomed to succeed", so to say. And, I am afraid, he is not the last one to play the trick - unless South Koreas popular psyche will not assume more independent and relativist attitude towards countrys mighty overseas patron, there is no guarantee that one more member of chaebol elite will not successfully try to buy his way into Americas circles of power and privilege and than capitalize on his trophies at home.

Lastly, one important explanation for Mr. Chungs meteoric rise is his ostensibly "marginal" position in South Koreas popular perception. In reality, he is one of the mightiest players in the countrys money world - but he is much less associated in public consciousness with "business" (and such inescapable part of business life as shadowy dealing with governmental officials) than, for example, his deceased father. In real life, he is one of Ulsans political "bosses" - but before the sudden political rise following the World Cup, his name was extremely rarely associated with party and parliamentary politics by the newspapers (and he himself used to neglect his parliamentary duties at his convenience, by the way - his attendance record looks quite poor). As an average young Korean is already fully fed up with business and political scandals, ostensibly "clean" soccer executive certainly looks quite an attractive candidate - of course, so far as you dont get deeper into the details. But most people prefer not to bother themselves with the "details", and that is the tragedy...


So, is there any antidote able to prevent people from falling into love with image of some next chaebol hair willing to invest into American boardroom live, foreign professorships and football victories? No cardinal medicine is available, of course, but if class and ideology-based politics will really take roots in the country, if people will start to think about their class positions and interests when they vote, that will leave next chaebol prince much less chances to get value for his money in this way.