Adhesive Sociocultural Adaptation of Korean Immigrants in the U.S.: An Alternative Strategy of Minority Adaptation

Adhesive Sociocultural Adaptation of Korean Immigrants in the U.S.: An Alternative Strategy of Minority Adaptation¹

Won Moo Hurh Kwang Chung Kim Western Illinois University

Adhesive adaptation is conceptualized as a particular mode of adaptation in which certain aspects of the new culture and social relations with members of the host society are added on to the immigrants' traditional culture and social networks, without replacing or modifying any significant part of the old. In light of this conceptual framework, various patterns of Korean immigrants' adaptation in the U.S. are examined. For data collection, 615 Korean immigrants in the Los Angeles area were interviewed in 1979. Findings indicate that the immigrants' strong and pervasive ethnic attachment is unaffected by their length of residence in the U.S., socioeconomic status and cultural and social assimilation rates. The adhesive mode of adaptation is thus empirically confirmed by this study. Theoretical and practical implications of this adhesive adaptation are discussed in the conclusion.

The main purpose of this article is to test empirically the adhesive model of sociocultural adaptation based on the Korean immigrants' experience in the United States. The term "adhesive" adaptation used in this study refers to a particular mode of adaptation in which certain aspects of the new culture and social relations with members of the host society are added on to the immigrants' traditional culture and social networks, without replacing or modifying any significant part of the old (Hurh and Kim, 1984). "Adaptation" is conceptualized as the process in which immigrants modify their attitudinal and behavioral patterns in order to maintain and improve their life conditions compatible with the new environment (cf, Eisenstadt, 1952:225; Honigmann, 1964; Cohen, 1974:3; DeVos, 1982). In this sense, adaptation is a broad concept to include its various modes and resultant conditions such as acculturation, assimilation, segregation, pluralism, "adhesion", etc. (Thurnwald,

¹ An earlier version of this article was presented at the Annual Meeting of the American Sociological Association, Detroit, Michigan, August 31-September 4, 1983. Data for this study were originally collected for the research project, "Korean Immigrants in the Los Angeles Area", supported by a grant from the NIMH, U.S. Department of Health and Human Services (Grant No. IRO2 MH 30475).

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Adhesive Sociocultural Adaptation of Korean Immigrants 189

1932; Gordon, 1964; Glazer and Moynihan, 1970; Newman, 1973; Teske and Nelson. 19741.

The mainspring of our theoretical framework for this study is the distinction between cultural assimilation and social (structural) assimilation, elaborated by Gordon in his Assimilation in American Life (1964). According to Gordon, acculturation ("cultural assimilation" in Gordon's terms) refers to the change of immigrants' cultural patterns to those of the host society, while social assimilation ("structural assimilation") refers to the large-scale entrance into cliques, clubs and institutions of the host society on the primary group level (1964:71). Unlike acculturation, social assimilation thus requires acceptance of the immigrant group by the dominant group (c/., Spiro, 1955; Teske and Nelson, 1974). Gordon also argues that while acculturation of racial and ethnic minorities has taken place to a considerable degree in the United States, their social assimilation has not been extensive (c/., Rosenthal, 1960). This has been true for all ethnic minorities including the Jewish Americans, but more so for non-white minorities (cf., Kitano, 1976). The persisting pattern of racial endogamy and social distance on the primary group level attests to this fact (cf., Simpson and Yinger, 1972; Bogardus, 1968; Hurh, 1977).

What Gordon and others suggest is a proposition that acculturation is a necessary but not sufficient condition for social assimilation. Even high socioeconomic status of immigrants is not necessarily related to social assimilation (Weinstock, 1963; Hurh, Kim and Kim, 1978). For instance, Korean immigrant physicians may become highly acculturated into the American way of life by virtue of their good command of English, conversion to Protestant churches and their high professional status, but not socially assimilated into the mainstream of the American social structure due to their immutable ascribed status --"non-white".

From the foregoing considerations, one may arrive at a conjecture that Korean immigrants in particular, and non-white immigrants in general, would be structurally segregated or ethnically contained from the larger society, regardless of their acculturation, socioeconomic status and length of stay in the United States. The immigrants' perception of such structural limitations would also limit their aspirations for social acceptance by the dominant group and, as a defense, the immigrants may feel they must maintain or even enhance their ethnic attachment for sustaining their sense of security, primary-group satisfaction, social recognition and identity.² In other words, the immigrants' strong and persisting ethnic attachment may largely be a function of involuntary factors, such as ethnic segregation inherent in the American social structure, limited adaptive capacities of the

²"Ethnic attachment" refers here to the individual immigrant's subjective identification with a particular ethnic group and maintenance of intimate sociocultural ties with members of his/her ethnic group (cf, Greenstone, 1975).

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immigrants and economic and ecological conditions of the host society at a particular time. For instance, Yuan's study (1963) on the involuntary factors involved in voluntary segregation of the Chinese community in New York is a good example.

In light of the above conjecture, the mode of Korean immigrants' adaptation would be generally additive or adhesive; that is, they would be assimilated both culturally and socially, but to a limited extent (especially in social dimension), and such assimilation would not replace or weaken any significant aspect of Korean traditional culture and social networks. If this is true, the Korean immigrants' adhesive mode of adaptation would be far from a zero-sum model of "assimilation", the term which has largely been synonymous with "Anglo-conformity" in the United States (Warner and Srole, 1945:285-286; Cole and Cole, 1954; Gordon, 1964; Schaefer, 1979:38; cf., Richmond, 1967:151-152). According to Gordon (1964:85), Anglo-conformity demands "the complete reununciation of the immigrant's ancestral culture in favor of the behavior and values of the Anglo-Saxon core group". Neither would adhesive adaptation fit another type of zero-sum model -- ethnic separatism. Separatism is the exact opposite of assimilation, the process in which minority groups are voluntarily or involuntarily segregated from the dominant group's culture and society. The end product of this process is a complete ethnic containment or insulation (Yuan, 1963; Rinder,

TABLE 1

Adhesive Adaptation in Comparison to Other Modes of Ethnic Adaptation (Ideal Types)

	Ethnic Attachment	Assimilation
Modes of Adaptation	Korean Culture Society	American Culture Society
Assimilation	- -	+ +
Separatism (Ethnic Insulation)	+ +	_ -_
Pluralism (Cultural & Structural)	+ +	+ +
Adhesion (l)^a	+ +	+ Ђ
Adhesion (2)	Ђ Ђ	⁺ ⁺

Notes: + means attachment/acceptance

-- means detachment/rejection

Ђ means limited attachment/acceptance

^a Adhesion (1) is a typical mode of adaptation among the first-generation immigrants; adhesion (2) is a probable mode of adaptation among the successive generations of immigrants.

Adhesive Sociocultural Adaptation of Korean Immigrants 191

1965; van den Berghe, 1978).

At this point, one may argue adhesive adaptation as ethnic pluralism. However, like other modes of ethnic adaptation, pluralism can be con-ceputalized in many ways; for example, cultural pluralism, structural (social) pluralism or both (Gordon, 1964). According to Hraba, "cultural pluralism refers to the existence of distinct ethnic subcultures in a society which affect and make variable the way people think, feel and act. Structural pluralism means that ethnic identity is evident in social interaction in a society, manifest in either restrictions on social interaction or in the use of ethnic identity in open and free exchange" (1979:63). If we conceptualize the ideal type of pluralism as bi-cultural and bi-social adaptation without any restrictions (the co-existence of assimilation and Korean ethnic attachment in both cultural and social dimensions), adhesive adaptation may be considered as a variant or subtype of pluralism. Nevertheless, adhesive adaptation appears to be a specific analytical category distinguishable from other ideal types of ethnic adaptation as illustrated in Table 1.

Some related phenomena to adhesive adaptation have been observed by a few scholars in terms of "accommodative pluralism" among Japanese Americans (Kurokawa, 1970:133), "controlled acculturation" among the Hutterites (Eaton, 1952) and "acculturation without assimilation" among Jewish Americans (Rosenthal, 1960), and "pluralistic integration" among some recent immigrants in Canada (Richmond, 1974). According to Kurokawa, "accommodative pluralism occurs when minority members who are discriminated against accept their segregated role while attempting to integrate whenever possible" (1970:133). Eaton conceptualized controlled acculturation as "the process by which one culture accepts a practice from another, but integrates the new practice into its own existing value system. It does not surrender its autonomy or separate identity, although the change may involve a modification of the degree of autonomy" (Eaton, 1952:338). Similarly, Rosenthal (1960) observed that the high level of acculturation among Jewish immigrants in the Chicago area was not accompanied by a decline in Jewish ethnic consciousness and attachment--a case of "acculturation without assimilation".

In his typology of male immigrant adaptation in Toronto, Richmond (1974) characterizes five different modes of adaptation: "Urban Villagers", "Anglo-Canadian Conformists", "Pluralistically Integrated", "Transient", and "Alienated". Among these the pluralistically integrated mode is roughly equivalent to our concept of adhesive adaptation. According to Richmond's study, about ten percent of foreign-born householders in Toronto are pluralistically integrated. Typically, such an immigrant "places considerable emphasis on the importance of retaining some aspects of his or her former linguistic, cultural or religious heritage and continues to use the mother tongue at home", although he or she has lived ten years or more in Canada

192 International Migration Review

and also experienced upward socioeconomic mobility (Richmond, 1974:42). A number of scholars have already made significant contributions to our understanding of the processes of immigrants' adaptation in various countries; for example, John Rex in Great Britain (1973, 1979), Anthony H. Richmond in Canada (1967, 1974), Samuel N. Eisenstadt in Israel (1954a), and Ronald Taft in Australia, (11967). However, the "adhesive" model of adaptation in particular has not explicitly been defined nor systematically tested through empirical data.

The specific objectives of this study are: 1) to describe the patterns of the Korean immigrants' acculturation, social assimilation and ethnic attachment; 2) to analyze the immigrants' prevalent mode of adaptation in order to test the "adhesion model"; and 3) to examine the theoretical significance and practical relevance of the adhesion model.

DATA COLLECTION

According to the 1980 U. S. Cenus, the number of Koreans in the United States has reached 350,000. Most of them came to the United States after the revision of the U. S. immigration law in 1965 (Hurh and Kim, 1984). Like other recent immigrant groups from Asia, they came to the United States with a high pre-immigration socioeconomic status (Hurh and Kim, 1984). As a racially distinct group, however, Koreans settle in the United States as another minority group (Hurh, 1980).

The data for this study were obtained through interviewing 615 persons (281 males and 334 females). They were randomly selected from the first generation Korean adult immigrants (20 years old or more) in the Los Angeles area. The sampling frame was based on the Korean Directory of Southern California 1979.

Interviews were conducted by 18 trained interviewers, using- a structured interview schedule. The entire interview schedule, originally designed for a larger study on the general adaptation patterns of Korean immigrants, consists of 62 structured questionnaire items, including ten open-ended questions (Hurh and Kim 1984). Specific questionnaire items relevant to this study and the method used for analysis are discussed below.

DESCRIPTIVE ANALYSIS OF ADAPTATION PATTERNS

Various patterns of the immigrants' adaptation will be examined in terms of the extent and intensity of their acculturation and social assimilation, and of adherence to their Korean socioculture (ethnic attachment). The following behavioral and attitudinal indices are used to measure the immigrants' adaptation patterns.

The degree of acculturation is measured by: 1) English proficiency; 2)

Adhesive Sociocultural Adaptation of Korean Immigrants 193

exposure to American mass media;. 3) the proportion of the respondents who approve of changing their first names to American names.

The degree of social assimilation is measured by the proportion of the respondents who: 1) have close white friends, and 2) participate in American voluntary associations.

Similarly, the degree of ethnic attachment is measured by the proportion of those who: 1) are exposed to Korean mass media; 2) maintain intimate social relations with Koreans; 3) participate in Korean voluntary associations (including the Korean church);³ and 4) express strong attachment to the Korean culture and ethnicity.

A CCUL TURA TION PATTERNS

One of the most important variables affecting cultural adaptation is language. Our data drew on the respondents' self-evaluation of their English proficiency measured by the responses to the following questions: 1) Reflecting on your experience in America, how well do you think that you can express yourself in English? 2) How well can you read American newspapers and magazines? 3) How well can you write letters in English? For each question, five response categories are given: 1) "not at all", 2) "almost not at all", 3) "about half", 4) "moderately well; and 5) "fluently".

About two-thirds of our respondents rate their English ability as "about half" or less in all three dimensions (speaking, reading and writing). This is true for both male and female respondents.

The degree of immigrants' exposure to American-printed mass media was measured by the responses to the following questions: 1) Do you read any American newspaper(s)? 2) If you read American newspaper(s), what section do you mainly read? 3) Do you read any American magazine(s)?

Only 22 percent of our respondents subscribe to American newspapers regularly, while 78 percent regularly subscribe to Korean newspapers. In fact, nearly half (45%) of our respondents do not read American newspapers at all. About one-third of our respondents (33.7 %) buy American newspapers at newsstands occasionally.

Approximately one-fourth (25.8%) of our respondents regularly subscribe to American magazines and 23.3 percent buy them at newsstands occasionally. Similar to the newspaper readership, about half of our sample do not read American magazines at all. Comparative data on the readership of Korean

³ The definition of voluntary association is an unsettled issue. Therefore, it is debatable whether the church and the labor union should be included as voluntary associations (Babchuk and Thompson, 1962). In this study, the labor union is no problem because no respondent mentions it. A high proportion of the respondents, however, are found to be affiliated wih the Korean church. In this study, the church will be included as a voluntary association since it performs several vital functions of the voluntary association {e.g., social, symbolic, ideological).

194 International Migration Review

magazines are lacking due to the fact that domestic subscription service is not available in the U.S., and that one has to either buy Korean magazines at Korean bookstores or place an order to Korea directly through overseas mail.

Anglicization of Korean first names is one of the most conspicuous ways toward acculturation since it involves modification of one's symbolic identity (Kang, 1971). It would not have occurred or would not have become an issue if our respondents had not immigrated to America. To measure the respondents' attitudes toward the name change, the following question was asked: How do you feel about Koreans changing their names to American names? About 52 percent of our respondents approve while 40 percent disapprove of adopting American first names.

In general, the data on the three acculturation dimensions (language, mass media and name change) of our sample reveal a relatively low degree of Korean immigrants' acculturation, due largely to their very recent arrival in the United States (a mean of 6.5 years).

Social Assimilation Patterns

In order to examine the respondents' social networks of friendship, the following questions were asked: 1) Do you have any person(s) in the Los Angeles area with whom you maintain an intimate relation and with whom you feel you share something together? Some have one or two such persons. Others may have several such persons or none at all. 2) How many such persons do you have? If you have such persons, select some of them (5 or less) and answer the following questions about them; their name (first or middle), place of first meeting, age, length of association, final education and current occupation.

We asked the above questions separately for Korean and non-Korean friends. By this measure, nine-tenths of the respondents (263, 93% of the males and 300, 89.8% of the females) were found to have Korean friends, while only one-third of the respondents (95, 33.8% of the males and 106, 31.7% of the females) have white friends.

A very small proportion of the respondents (53, 8.6%) participate in American voluntary associations. The types of American associations which the respondents join the most are social clubs, churches and other religious groups. One-third (39.3%) attend American voluntary associations once a week and another one-third (32.1%) attend less than once a month. Very few (12.3%) are found to hold a staff position or carry an official duty.

In sharp contrast to the above pattern, a great majority of the respondents (435, 70.7%) participate in Korean voluntary associations which consist mainly of Koreans and use Korean language. The Korean ethnic church is the most popular association among the respondents. More details on the immigrants'

Adhesive Sociocultural Adaptation of Korean Immigrants 195

involvement in their ethnic organizations will be elaborated on later.

In sum, the Korean immigrants' social assimilation to the American society is largely limited in its scope and intensity. As we will see below, their social relationships are primarily built around ethnic organizations, especially churches, within the well-defined boundries of a Korean enclave.

Ethnic Attachment Patterns

As mentioned earlier, four variables --exposure to Korean mass media, intimate social relations with fellow-Koreans, participation in Korean voluntary associations and strong positive attitudes toward the Korean ethnicity -- are used to measure the ethnic attachment patterns of the immigrants (cf., Greenstone, 1975:3-4).

We have already indicated that 78 percent of our respondents regularly subscribe to Korean newspapers, while only 22 percent subscribe to American newspapers. With respect to the immigrants' intimate social relations with Koreans, nine-tenths of the respondents have Korean friends, as already mentioned, and three-fourths of our sample (74.7% of the males and 75.4% of the females) report to have kin in the Los Angeles area. The majority of those who specify their relationships with the kin show that their kin in the Los Angeles area are siblings. Other kin in the area are parents, married children, uncles, aunts, in-laws and other relatives.

Three-fourths of the respondents (71.5%) are also found to have close neighbors. Most of these respondents (149, 74.1% of the males and 192, 75.3% of the females) indicate that their close neighbors are exclusively Koreans. A few of them (37, 18.4% of the males and 21, 8.2% of the females) have both whites and Koreans as their close neighbors. These findings show that, altogether, nearly nine-tenths of the respondents with close neighbors have Koreans as their close neighbors.

To measure the intensity of the immigrants' attitudes toward the Korean ethnicity, our respondents were asked to express the degree to which they agree or disagree with the following five statements on familism, ethnic inferiority (or pride), native language, ethnic association and the ethnic church:

-- When my personal interest is in conflict with my family need, family
duty should be given priority (familism).

-- I am ashamed of being born a Korean (ethnic inferiority or pride).

-- It is necessary for children of Korean immigrants to speak the Korean
language well (native language).

-- Although Korean immigrants need to adjust themselves to the American
society occupationally, they must associate mainly with Koreans in other
areas of life (ethnic association).

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5) After Korean immigrants are accustomed to American life, it is better for them in many respects to attend American churches than Korean churches (ethnic church).

The highest concensus among the respondents are found on the first three statements. Regardless of sex, most of the respondents indicated that family duty should be given priority (252, 89.7% of the males and 306, 91.6% of the females); children should be taught Korean language (254, 90.4% of the males and 296, 89.2% of the females); and they do not feel ashamed of being born a Korean (266, 94.7% of the males and 315, 94.4% of the females). Concerning the statement on associations with Koreans, the respondents are evenly divided while the great majority prefer the Korean ethnic church over the American church (68.77o versus 16.7%>).

Through the foregoing observations, it becomes apparent that the immigrants' attachment to their native culture and society is generally strong. So far, we have described various patterns of Korean immigrants' adaptation in the United States (sociocultural assimilation and ethnic attachment). As we have seen, some of the patterns are discrete but, in general, a common or typical mode of adaptation seems to emerge for all dimensions. The mode appears to be "adhesive adaptation". Certain aspects of American culture and social relations are added on to the Korean culture and social networks without replacing or modifying any significant part of the latter. Verification of this adhesive mode calls for an intrusive cross-analysis of relevant variables.

EMPIRICAL TEST OF ADHESIVE ADAPTATION

The aforementioned "adhesive adaptation" suggests a proposition that assimilation and ethnic attachment would not necessarily be mutually exclusive. In this section, we will test this proposition in two ways. First, we will examine the respondents' experience of assimilation and ethnic assimilation in relation to the length of their residence in the United States. If the adhesive adaptation holds true, we can expect that although the respondents' ethnic attachment would not be weakened by the length of residence, they would be increasingly assimilated, to a certain degree, as the length of residence in the United States extends.

Second, we will cross-analyze the assimilation variables with those of ethnic attachment. If the adhesive adaptation holds true, the increase of the respondents' assimilation experience would not be accompanied by the decrease in their ethnic attachment. The cross-analysis will be done separately in terms of cultural and social dimensions.

In terms of the length of residence, our respondents are divided into six categories: 1) 2 years or less; 2) 3-4 years; 3)5-6 years; 4) 7-8 years; 5)9-10 years; 6) 11 years or more. By this division, our respondents are fairly well

Adhesive Sociocultural Adaptation of Korean Immigrants 197

spread in all six categories. In general, those who have been in the United States for a longer period of time have proportionally more white friends and participate more in American voluntary associations. The length of residence is also found to be positively related to the degree to which the respondents are acculturated as measured by the degree of exposure to American mass media, the favoring of Anglicizing Korean names and the proficiency in English (cf., Richmond, 1973:259-260).

In sharp contrast, for most of the respondents, the degree of ethnic attachment is not related to the length of residence in the United States. Regardless of the length of residence, a high proportion of our respondents subscibe to Korean newspapers, prefer to associate with Koreans and also prefer to attend a Korean ethnic church. Even among the "old-timers" (whose length of residence is 11 years or more), almost all indicate their strong sense of family priority, ethnic pride and preference for teaching Korean language to their children. It is also found that regardless of the length of residence a great majority of the respondents report to have Korean friends and kin in the Los Angeles area, participate in Korean voluntary associations and maintain a close contact with Koreans as their neighbors.

For the purpose of illustrating the above patterns of assimilation and ethnic attachment, Tables 2 and 3 are presented (cf., Hurh and Kim, 1984: Chaps. 4 and 5). Table 2 shows that as the length of residence in the United States extends, the proportion of the respondents who subscribe to American newspapers increases, while a great majority of the respondents subscribe to Korean newspapers regardless of the length of residence. Table 3 also shows that the proportion of the respondents who have white friends increases in correspondence with the increase in the length of residence in the United States. Although the relationship in Table 3 is found to be significant by chi-square test only among the male respondents, a similar relationship is also observed from the female respondents. Table 3 also indicates that a great majority of the respondents have Korean friends in the Los Angeles area regardless of the length of residence.

The relationships between the length of residence and the degree of assimilation and ethnic attachment are analyzed further by the levels of education. According to the levels of education, the respondents are divided into four categories: 1) non-college graduates (N = 192); 2) Korean college graduates (N=269); 3) American college graduates (N=79); and 4) college students (N=63). Non-college graduates refer to those who have never obtained any college degree. Korean college graduates refer to those who obtained college degrees only in Korea. American college graduates are those who have obtained undergraduate or graduate degrees in the United States, regardless of their educational achievement in Korea. College students are those who are currently attending American colleges or universities. Due to their transitory status, college students are excluded from our analysis.

TABLE 2

Subscription to Newspapers and Length of Residence in U.S.

					Number of Years in the United States
														Chi-
		2	or Less		3-4		5-6		7-8		9-10	11	or more	Square
		N	%	N	%	N	%	N	%	N	%	N	%	Test	V-
MALE															И
	1	32	76.2	56	86.1	54	77.1	39	81.3	17	70.8	24	77.4	6.81	Z
Korean	2	8	19.0	7	10.8	13	18.6	6	12.5	4	16.7	4	12.9	df=10	H
Newspaper	3	2	4.8	2	3.1	3	4.3	3	6.3	3	12.5	3	9.7	NS	О
	Total	42	100.0	65	100.0	70	100.0	48	100.0	24	100.0	31	100.0		r
	1	4	9.5	8	12.3	14	20.2	9	18.8	9	37.5	20	64.5		% о
American	2	12	28.6	26	40.0	24	34.3	25	52.1	8	33.3	5	16.1	52.20³	"
Newspaper	3	26	61.9	31	47.7	32	45.7	14	29.2	7	29.2	6	19.4	df=10	н
	Total	42	100.0	65	100.0	70	100.0	48	100.0	24	100.0	31	100.0		о z
FEMALE															w
	1	37	84.1	62	73.8	57	73.1	49	84.5	19	76.0	29	67.4	11.25	м
Korean	2	3	6.8	16	19.0	10	12.8	5	8.6	3	12.0	6	14.0	df=10
Newspaper	3	4	9.1	6	7.2	11	14.1	4	6.9	3	12.0	8	18.6	NS
	Total	44	100.0	84	100.0	78	100.0	58	100.0	25	100.0	43	100.0
	1	4	8.9	10	11.9	14	17.9	15	25.9	7	26.9	20	46.5
American	2	13	28.9	27	32.1	26	33.4	21	36.2	12	46.2	8	18.6	34.08^a
Newspaper	3	28	62.2	47	56.0	38	48.7	22	37.9	7	26.9	15	34.9	df=10
	Total	45	100.0	84	100.0	78	100.0	58	100.0	26	100.0	43	100.0

Notes: Regular subscription; 2 = occasional purchase at newstand; 3 = do not read at all; Significant at the .001 level; otherwise not significant.

TABLE 3

Association with Friends and Length of Residence in U.S.

				White Friends					Korean	Friends			IVE
			Male			Female			Male			Female		%
Length of														о
Residence		Yes	No	Total	Yes	No	Total	Yes	No	Total	Yes	No	Total	о n
2 years or	N	11	31	42	10	35	45	42	0	42	43	2	45
Less	%	26.2	73.8	100	22.2	77.8	100	100		100	95.6	4.4	100
3-4 years	N	17	49	66	28	56	84	61	5	66	73	11	84	>
	%	25.8	74.2	100	33.3	66.7	100	92.4	7.6	100	86.9	13.1	100	ha
5-6 years	N	18	52	70	21	57	78	66	4	70	72	6	78	H H
	%	25.7	74.3	100	26.9	73.1	100	94.3	5.7	100	92.3	7.7	100	§
7-8 years	N	19	29	48	19	39	58	45	3	48	54	4	58	о
	%	39.6	60.4	100	32.8	67.2	100	93.8	6.2	100	93.	6.9	100	?
9-10	N	14	10	24	10	16	26	21	3	24	23	3	26	w
	%	58.3	41.7	100	38.5	61.5	100	87.5	12.5	100	88.5	11.5	100	z
11 years	N	16	15	31	18	25	43	28	3	31	35	8	43	s &
or more	л	51.6	48.4	100	41.9	58.1	100	90.3	9.7	100	81.4	18.6	100	I IGRA
Chi-Square Value 16.61^a			5.42			5.12			7.00			NTS
Degree of Freedom 5			5			5			5

Notes: ^а Significant at the .01 level; otherwise not significant

200 International Migration Review

For each of the three groups divided by the levels of education, the length of residence is found to be positively related to the dimensions of acculturation (English proficiency, American mass media, Anglicization of names) with one exception; among the non-college graduates, the length of residence is not related to the degree of exposure to American mass media. Regardless of the length of residence, about two-thirds of the non-college graduates do not subscribe to American magazines. However, the non-college graduates do favor increasingly Anglicization of Korean names and improve their English proficiency as the length of residence extends. Regardless of the levels of education, the respondents become thus generally more acculturated as the length of residence in the United States extends.

When the relationship between the length of residence and the degree of social assimilation was examined, we found some variations among our respondents in terms of their levels of education. Among non-college graduates, the length of residence is not related to the degree of social assimilation. Regardless of the length of residence, the degree of their social assimilation is found to be highly limited.

In contrast, Korean college graduates show that their length of residence is positively related to the degree of social assimilation: those who have been in the United States for a longer period of time have proportionally more white friends and participate more in American voluntary associations. Since there are few Korean college graduates whose length of residence exceeds 11 years, two time intervals -- 9-10 years and 11 years or more -- are combined for our analysis.

Among American college graduates, on the other hand, there are very few who have been in the Unitd States for less than four years (N=8). Thus, three time intervals--2 years or less, 3-4 years and 5-6 years --are combined. This combination of time periods severely limits the range of the American college graduates' length of residence to be tested. Our limited test indicates that the length of residence is not related to the degree of social assimilation among American college graduates. Regardless of the length of residence, the degree of their social assimilation is relatively high; about half of them have white friends and one-fourth of them join American voluntary associations. These findings suggest that the American college graduates' friendship with whites develops to a certain level within several years after their arrival in the United States, mainly through their schools and workplaces, and this level seems to maintain thereafter. In this process of developing friendships with members of the dominant group, the immigrants' first few years in the United States appear to be crucial.

The preceding analysis reveals that the respondents' assimilation experience varies with the levels of education. Both Korean and American college graduates become more acculturated as the length of residence extends. These two groups are also socially assimilated, although they exhibit different

Adhesive Sociocultural Adaptation of Korean Immigrants 201

patterns of assimilation. In contrast, non-college graduates become assimilated only in limited cultural dimensions. In spite of these differences, the respondents in all groups generally maintain a high degree of sociocultural ethnic attachment regardless of the length of residence in the United States. Such a high degree of ethnic attachment and their additive experiences of assimilation demonstrate Korean immigrants' adhesive mode of adaptation.

Now we turn to the cross-analysis of assimilation variables with those of ethnic attachment. Table 4 shows that the degree of immigrants' acculturation is not related to the degree of their cultural ethnic attachment. Specifically, the degree of exposure to American mass media and the favoring of Anglicization of Korean names are not related to the degree of exposure to Korean newspapers, preference for associating with Koreans and preference for attending the Korean church as measured by chi-square tests. Two exceptions are, however, observed: the degree of exposure to American newspapers is significantly related to the degree of exposure to Korean newspapers and preference for associating with Koreans. Interestingly, those who are more exposed to American newpspapers regularly are also proportionally more exposed to Korean newspapers regularly. Under the above conditions, the degree of association between the two sets of variables is generally found to be extremely low (See, the values of Phi or Cramer's V in Table 4).

The relationship between the two sets of variables (assimilation and ethnic attachment) are further analyzed by sex, current age, age at immigration and levels of education. By age at immigration (mean age = 34.0), the respondents are divided into two groups: 1) 30 or less; and 2) more than 30. Based on their current age (mean age = 40.3), the respondents are divided into two groups: 1) 40 or less; and 2) more than 40. All of these separate analyses (by sex, current age, age at immigration and education) generally confirm that acculturation variables are not related to ethnic attachment variables.

Exposure to American printed media and the favoring of Anglicizing Korean names are also not related to attitudinal items of cultural ethnic attachment. Regardless of acculturation, the overwhelming majority of our respondents feel no ethnic inferiority, think that their children should be taught Korean language and believe family duty should always be given priority (see Table 5). This certainly indicates that the respondents strongly support their ethnic culture, irrespective of their acculturation to the United States.

Similarly, another item of acculturation -- English proficiency -- is not found to be related to the degree of cultural ethnic attachment as measured by multiple classification analysis. Table 6 shows that the (unadjusted) difference in English proficiency scores among the categories of each of the ethnic attachment variables (exposure to Korean newspapers, preference for

TABLE 4

Cultural Assimilation and Ethnic Attachment

				Korean Newspaper					Association wit!	l Koreans			Korean	Church Preferred
			1	2			3	Total	Agree	Disagree	Total	Agree	Disagree	Total
		N	%	N	%	N	%	N~	--%	N~	%	w-	%	N %	N~	%	N~	%	N~	%
	1	108	81.2	11	8.3	14	10.5	133	100	62	47.7	68	52.3	130	100	89	83.2	18	16.8	107	100	z
American	2	162	78.6	34	16.5	10	4.9	206	100	112	56.3	87	43.7	199	100	139	79.4	36	20.6	175	100
Newspaper	3	204	75.0	40	14.7	28	10.3	272	100	172	65.4	91	34.6	263	100	185	79.7	47	20.3	232	100	z
				Cramer	's V =	.09					Cra	Liner's V	= .14				Cra	mer's V = .04			H о
	1	123	78.3	18	11.5	16	10.2	157	100	80	53.0	71	47.0	151	100	99	77.3	29	22.7	128	100	z
American	2	106	75.2	27	19.1	8	5.7	141	100	78	56.1	61	43.9	139	100	96	82.1	21	17.9	117	100	f
Magazine	3	244	79.0	39	12.6	26	8.4	309	100	184	62.0	113	38.0	297	100	216	81.2	50	18.8	266	100	Щ
				Cramer's V =	.07					Cra	Liner's V	= .08				Cra	mer's	V = .05			a я
Name	For	250	79.9	37	11.8	26	8.3	313	100	173	56.7	132	43.3	305	100	206	79.5	53	20.5	259	100	H
Change	Against	183	75.9	36	14.9	22	9.2	241	100	145	62.0	89	38.0	234	100	167	79.9	42	20.1	209	100	о
				Cramer's V =	.05						Phi = .(	)5					Phi =	= .005			z
Notes:
1 = Regular Subscription
2 = Occasional Purchase at Newstand
3= Do Not Read At All

Adhesive Sociocultural Adaptation of Korean Immigrants 203

TABLE 5

Cultural Assimilation and Ethnic Attachment

				Male		Female
			N	%	N	%
	A	1 2 3	57 90 106	90.5 92.8 93.0	64 94 138	94.1 93.1 90.2
Reading of American •< Newspaper	В	1 2 3	59 88 104	98.3 98.9 96.3	63 98 143	100 100 97.3
	С	1 2 3	60 95 ПО	95.2 96.0 96.5	68 99 148	97.1 95.2 95.5
	A	1 2 3	71 58 123	94.7 92.1 91.1	69 66 157	89.6 93.0 92.4
Reading of American •< Magazine	В	1 2 3	67 59 124	98.5 100.0 96.1	70 74 156	98.6 100.0 98.1
	С	1 2 3	72 63 129	94.7 98.4 95.6	75 75 161	94.9 98.7 94.7
Favoring of Name Change	A В С		127 120 131	93.4 97.6 96.3	154 162 166	90.1 98.3 94.7

Notes: 1 = Regular subscription

-- = Occasional purchase at newstand

-- = Do not read at all

A = Those who think that family duty should be given priority. В = Those who do not feel ashamed of being born a Korean. С = Those who think their children should speak Korean well.

204

International Migration Review

TABLE 6

Multiple Classification Analysis of English Proficiency

by Three Variables of Cultural Ethnic Attachment and

Level of Education with Age of Immigration

			Unadjusted		Adjusted
		N	Deviation	Eta	Deviation	Beta
	1	425	.06		.07
Korean	2	73	- .36		.37
Newspaper	3	37	.02	.05	- .13	.05
Level of	4	191	-2.24		-1.76
Education	5	266	.66		.51
	6	78	3.23	.61	2.59	.48

Grand mean = 9.0, Multiple R Squared = .47

Association	A	300	- .52
with Koreans	D	220	.71
Level of	4	187	-.2.23
Education	5	257	.69
	6	76	3.15

.20

.61

- .14 .19

-1.75

.55

2.46

.05

.48

Grand Mean = 8.98, Multiple R Squared = .47

.01

.61

Grand Mean = 8.9, Multiple R Squared = .48

Korean Church	A	360	- .02
Preferred	D	89	.06
	4	164	-2.21
Level of	5	223	.69
Education	6	62	3.35

- .01 .04

-1.75

.53

2.71

.01

.49

Notes: 1 = Regular Subscription; 2 = Occasional Purchase; 3 = Do not Read; 4 = Non-College Graduates; 5 = Korean College Graduates; 6 = American College Graduates; A = Agree; D = Disagree

Adhesive Sociocultural Adaptation of Korean Immigrants 205

associating with Koreans and preference for attending Korean ethnic church) is extremely small as expressed by the deviation of a category mean from the grand mean. The eta value for each ethnic variable is also very small.

For each ethnic attachment variable, the difference in the category mean scores of English proficiency is analyzed further, adjusted for the levels of education and age at immigration based on the original responses. The adjusted difference in the category mean scores of each ethnic attachment variable is small. At the same time, the beta values of the three ethnic variables are also small. Similar findings are observed in the multiple classification analysis, when the age at immigration is replaced by each of the two other interval variables--current age and length of residence in the United States. These findings clearly demonstrate that the degree of cultural ethnic attachment is not related to the respondent's English proficiency. In Table 6, the respondent's English proficiency can be explained by their levels of education and age at immigration (or their current age/length of residence) as indicated by the values of beta and multiple R squared, but definitely not by the degree of their cultural ethnic attachment.

In sum, the preceding cross-analysis of acculturation and ethnic attachment variables confirm the Korean immigrants' adhesive mode of cultural adaptation. The immigrants' acquisition of American culture is not accompanied by their detachment from Korean culture.

A similar adhesive pattern is also observed in the immigrants' social adaptation. As measured by chi-sqare test, association with whites as friends is not found to be significantly related to the chance of the respondents having Korean friends, kin and close neighbors or joining Korean voluntary associations. There is one exception, however; among female respondents, association with whites and having close Korean neighbors is significantly related. Under this condition, the degree of association between the social assimilation and social ethnic attachment variables is generally very low as shown by the values of Phi (See Table 7). This pattern holds true regardless of the respondent's sex, age at immigration, current age and levels of education.

The foregoing observations demonstrate clearly that social assimilation of the respondents is not accompanied by their disassociation from Korean social groups. As the immigrants are more socially assimilated into the American society, they expand the overall dimension of their intimate social relations, rather than replacing one dimension with another. This expanded dimension of their social life confirms the pattern of "adhesive adaptation" in social relations.

CONCLUSION

Until the early 1960s when theories on ethnic pluralism began to re-emerge

TABLE 7

Social Assimilation in Relation to Association with Korean Friends, Close Neighbors and Kin, and Participation in Korean Voluntary Association

Korean Friends
Yes No Total

Korean Association

Yes

Total

74 77.9

35 36.8

72 38.7

34 32.1

99 43.4

7 7.4

11 5.9

5 4.7

29 12.7

95 100.0

186 100.0

106 100.0

228 100.0

92.6

175 94.1

101 95.3

199 87.3

183 136

100.0 73.1

79 74.5

223 173

100.0 75.9

Male .05

Female .02

То

Have White Friends

Male

Female

Yes

Phi Value

N N%

Close Neighbors
Yes No Total

94 100

20 21.3

55 30.1

18 17.1

56 25.1

74 78.7

95 100.0

186 128

100.0 69.9

105 100.0

87 82.9

106 100.0

228 167

100.0 74.9

Female .09

Male .09

Male Female
.03 .12

Kin

No Total. Yes

21 22.1

60 63.2

114 61.3

72 67.9

95 100.0

50 186

26.9 100.0

27 25.5

55 24.1

106 100.0

228 129

100.0 56.6

Male .02

Female .11

Z M

я >

о >

о я

н о

		FIGURE 1
	Major Variables	Related to Immigrants' Adaptation
	Structural Variables	Sltuatlonal Variables	Psychological Variables
Host Society	Socioeconomlc and Cultural Structures ---^_^*	Demographic, Socio-economic and Ecological Conditions -~^^	Dominant Group's _^--- Perception of -- Situation ^* _Mode _Qf Adaptation
In"igrants	Socioecononic and -^"""^ Cultural Backgrounds		"-- Immigrants' Percep-* ^ tlon of Situation
U.S.A.	Culturally open but socioeconomically ^__^ closed structure , (ethnic segregation)	- A large influx of the ^* immigrants; ethnic enclaves; ethnic confinement In social relations and in the labor market ^>N.	Ethnic confinement ав voluntary segre- V ^ gation or "pluralism" ^_beelve Adaptation /
Korean I [migrants	High eocloeconomlc ^^-""^ background but limited cultural adaptive capacity (e.g., language)		\. Limited Americanlza-^tlonj lowering of aspiration levels; ethnic attachment

о К м

о ч

и >

О > Н

208 International Migration Review

(e.g., Glazer, Moynihan and Gordon),⁵ most of the past studies on American ethnic minorities assumed the notion that the minorities' progressive acculturation and assimilation would mean, at the same time, their regressive ethnic attachment (Park, 1950; Warner and Srole, 1945:285-286; Gordon, 1964:84-114; cf. Lyman, 1972:35). For example, Korean immigrants'learning of the American way of life would require unlearning of their native culture (deculturation either voluntarily or involuntarily), and increased social acceptance of Koreans by Americans would also entail a decrease in Koreans' association with members of their own ethnic group, or vice versa (cf., Dohrenwend and Smith, 1962:35; Eisenstadt, 1954:12-14; Kramer, 1970:211-212).

As revealed by our findings, the typical mode of Korean immigrants' adaptation in the U.S. is far from such a zero-sum model of assimilation (Anglo conformity), but it is additive or adhesive, i.e., certain aspects of American culture and social relations are added on to Korean immigrants' traditional culture and social networks. The immigrants' strong pervasive ethnic attachment is largely unaffected by their length of residence in the U. S., socioeco-nomic status and sociocultural assimilation rates. The adhesive mode of Korean immigrants' sociocultural adaptation in the United States is thus empirically confirmed by this study.⁶ The specific patterns of adhesive adaptation that they reveal, however, vary with the levels of education. In spite of these specific variations, our respondents on all levels of education demonstrate the adhesive mode of socio-cultural adaptation in general.

One may argue that adhesive adaptation would be a transitory stage toward the ideal pluralism or a kind of temporary accommodation. In fact, there is a term "accommodative pluralism", as mentioned earlier. Kurokawa cites the pattern of Japanese Americans' adaptation as an example of "accommodative pluralism" (Kurokawa, 1970:133). Adhesive adaptation remains, however, as a distinctive analytical category (another ideal type of ethnic adaptation) as long as immigrants and their posterity continue to experience only a limited degree of structural assimilation and maintain strong ethnic attachment.

So far, we have dealt with the general pattern of adhesive adaptation. What then are the main sources of adhesive adaptation? Three major variables (structural, situational and psychological) may account for all types of ethnic adaptation as illustrated on the upper portion of Figure I (cf, Eisenstadt, 1951; Wagley and Harris, 1958:264; Yancey, Ericksen and Juliani, 1976).

⁵The ideal of "cultural pluralism" was espoused already by many scholars in the early 1900s; for instance, Kallen (1915, 1924) and Bogardus (1949). Cf., Newman, 1973:67-96.

⁶ The degree of confirmation and refutation of the adhesive adaptation is largely dependent on the indices of assimilation and ethnic attachment. Although we have confirmed the model by using selected indices that we considered significant for Korean immigrants' adaptation, these indices need to be modified for studying other ethnic minorities.

Adhesive Sociocultural Adaptation of Korean Immigrants 209

The relationships between variables particularly related to the Korean immigrants' adhesive adaptation are illustrated in the lower portion of Figure I. In light of this analytical framework, one may be able to examine the major sources of Korean immigrants' adhesive mode of adaptation and also some of its possible consequences.

As indicated in Figure I two main factors appear to be responsible for adhesive mode of the Korean immigrants adaptation in the United States: ethnic segregation inherent in the American social structure (involuntary factor) and the immigrants' persistent ethnic attachment (voluntary factor). Each of the above two factors reinforce each other through intervening factors, such as the immigrants' inadequate adaptive capacities (e.g., language, economic resources, etc.), well-established ethnic enclaves, the dominant group's perception of threat and the general economic and political climate of the host society at a particular point in time.

When ethnic confinement (imposed ethnic segregation) is inherent in the social structure of the host country, it is most likely that immigrants' assimilation into the dominant group's social structure is restricted in its scope and intensity, regardless of the immigrants' length of residence in the new country, socioeconomic status, degree of acculturation and desire for assimilation. Under such circumstances, the immigrants' ethnic attachment tends to become stronger in order to satisfy their primary group needs, preserve their collective identity and lower the levels of their frustration and dissatisfaction. In sum, the voluntary factor involved in adhesive adaptation may not be strictly voluntary due to its structural roots; that is, the social segregation of racial and ethnic minorities in the United States.⁷ As Kurokawa correctly observes, "even voluntary segregation usually originates as a defense against discrimination" (1970:133). For instance, Yuan's study (1963) on the involuntary factors involved in voluntary segregation of the Chinese community in New York is a good example of such defensive insulation. As long as the structural roots of ethnic segregation are not eradicated, neither assimilation nor pluralism are attainable but adhesive adaptation remains as a survival strategy for non-white immigrants, especially for the first-generation immigrants.

In studying patterns and sources of adhesive adaptation, one can also conjecture some of its possible consequences. As mentioned earlier, the adhesive mode of adaptation may serve to mitigate the immigrants' immediate feelings of daily frustrations, relative deprivation and social isolation in the short run, but it tends to perpetuate ethnic containment of the Korean minority and their marginality acceptance in America in the long run, as was the case of the Chinese Americans in Chinatown (cf., Lyman, 1974).

One may argue at this point that adhesive adaptation is typically a

For the development of specific theories, See, our Theoretical Propositions.

210 International Migration Review

phenomenon of the first-generation immigrants. True, the posterity of the first-generation Korean immigrants will be less ethnically attached and more assimilated than their predecessors. Unlike generations of European immigrants, however, Koreans' social assimilation to the WASP primary social structure is largely limited due to racial segregation inherent in the American social structure. Their race may be "hunted out" whenever convenient to the dominant group unless their racial visibility disappears through extensive intermarriage or a drastic change in the American value system makes "race" no longer a determining factor for social distance and thus causes the concept of race to lose its social meaning (Hurh, 1977). The second-generation Japanese Americans' (the Niseis') painful experience of social discrimination from whites during World War II is a heightened example (Hosokawa, 1969; Kitano, 1976).

Bogardus pointed out this second-generation (or the entire posterity of non-white immigrants for that matter) problem as early as in 1930.

The children of the Japanese and Mexicans have been undergoing assimilation in the schools and through many other contacts. They have been losing contact with the home-country culture, and have been particularly ostracized. But because of their conspicuous nature (color or cultural heritage), they have been only partially accepted in the land of their birth and citizenship (1930:617).

Past empirical studies on social distance have also repeatedly demonstrated that the American people want even less association with the Koreans than with other Asian groups (Bogardus, 1968; Hurh, 1977; Owen, Eisner and McFaul, 1981). The effect of such ethnic containment may thus be more profound and serious for the second- and third-generation Korean-Americans since they would have no recourse unless they regain their strong ethnic attachment (a renewed adhesive adaptation or Hansen's law of the third-generation return?) or create a third identity for themselves (Hansen, 1937; Hurh, 1980).⁸ Reflecting upon the past experiences of Chinese and Japanese Americans, we conjecture the former would most likely be the adaptation pattern for the generations of Korean immigrants (Lyman, 1974; Petersen, 1971).

To conclude, adhesive adaptation of Korean immigrants reflects multiple realities involved in the intergroup relations in the United States, such as acculturation, assimilation, separatism and pluralism. More importantly, it also reveals the most salient aspect of an American dilemma: the idea of ethnic pluralism versus reality of ethnic containment.

For future research, some theoretical propositions are advanced in the Appendix.

⁸ For Hansen's law of third-generation return or a renewed adhesive adaptation, See, Adhesion (2)" in Table 1 of this article.

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Adhesive Sociocultural Adaptation of Korean Immigrants 215 APPENDIX

Theoretical Propositions Related to Adhesive Adaptation

-- In general, the longer the immigrants' length of residence in the host so
ciety, the higher the degree of their acculturation becomes.

-- In general, the longer the immigrants' length of residence in the host
society, the higher the levels of their socioeconomic status will be.

-- In general, the higher the levels of the immigrants' socioeconomic status,
the higher the degree and the faster the rates of acculturation will be.

-- When ethnic confinement (involuntary ethnic segregation) is inherent in
the social structure of the host country it is most likely that:

-- the immigrants' assimilation into the dominant group's primary
social structure is restricted in its scope and intensity regardless of the
immigrants' length of residence, socioeconomic status, degree of accul
turation and desire for assimilation.

-- the first-generation immigrants tend to maintain or even enhance
their strong ethnic attachment regardless of progressive acculturation
and assimilation.

c) the immigrants' ethnic attachment tends to be enhanced by:

-- the dominant group's prejudice and discrimination

-- the immigrants' perception of limited social assimilation

-- the immigrants' perception of their limited adaptive capacities (e.g.,
language, economic resources, etc.)

-- relatively well-defined large ethnic communities

d) the immigrants' strong ethnic attachment functions:

-- to satisfy primary group needs

-- to preserve ethnic identity

-- to lower the levels of their frustration and dissatisfaction

-- to evoke a false sense of success and satisfaction

-- to perpetuate ethnic confinement and marginality acceptance
("mobility trap")

-- to evoke in the dominant group a rationale that the immigrants "want
to be with their own kind and resist assimilation"

216 International Migration Review

e) the immigrants' strong ethnic attachment and their choice of the
dominant group as an abstract reference are not mutually exclusive

-- in general, the first generation immigrants' mode of adaptation is
adhesive; that is, certain aspects of the new culture and social relations
with members of the host society are added on to the immigrants'
traditional culture and social networks, without replacing or modi
fying any significant part of the old.

-- the first-generation immigrants expect social (structural) assimila
tion least, (although it is the most desired aspect of their adaptation)
and perceive its limited possibility most.

h) the second-generation immigrants expect social assimilation most and perceive its limited possibility least

i) the third-generation immigrants expect social assimilation most and perceive its limited possibility most.

5 The degree of pluralistic adaptation depends on:

a) the extent of openness in the socioeconomic structure and val
ue systems of the host society for absorbing immigrants into its
mainstream

-- the extent of the immigrants' educational, occupational and
linguistic capacities including their cultural heritage for
competing effectively with the dominant group

-- demographic, socioeconomic and ecological conditions of the
the immigrant community in relation to those of the dominant
group and other minorities at a particular time.

-- the extent of immigrants' perception of the host society's structural
conditions, their own adaptive capacities, social acceptance by the
dominant group and willingness to participate in the mainstream of
the host culture and society.

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Adhesive Sociocultural Adaptation of Korean Immigrants in the U.S.: An Alternative Strategy of Minority Adaptation