An Analysis of Causes of Schisms in Ethnic Churches: The Case of Korean-American Churches

Sociological Analysis 19SS, 49, 3:234-248

An Analysis of Causes of Schisms in Ethnic Churches: The Case of Korean-American Churches

Eui Hang Shin

University of South Carolina

Hyung Park

University of Chicago

The number of Korean-American churches has increased from fewer than 75 in 1970 to more than 1600 by the end of 1985. Conflicts and schism have accompanied this multiplication of churches. Using detailed case histories of 42 Korean-American churches selected from five different metropolitan areas, this paper attempts to identify the cause of schisms in Korean-American churches. Pastors with high quality professional training seem to be able to reduce strife and conflict in their churches. They often do so by organizing education programs for lay leaders which establish a strong "master-pupil" relationship between the pastor and his/her lay leaders. Formal affiliation with an American denomination such as the Presbyterian Church (U.S.A.), United Methodist Church, and the like, also appears to deter schisms in the churches. In contrast, competition for lay leadership positions has often developed into fierce factional struggles within the congregation and has led to church schisms.

INTRODUCTION

The number of Korean-American churches has increased from less than 75 in 1970 to 1,624 as of January 1986 (The Korean Gospel Weekly, February 9, 1986, 1). The estimated total size of the Korean-American population in 1986 is about 750,000, and thus, the population/church density is approximately one church per 462 Korean immigrants in the United States. As Kim (1985:228) notes, the propensity of Korean immigrants to establish new churches is well expressed in a Korean anecdote: "When two Japanese get together, they set up a business firm; when two Chinese get together, they open a Chinese restaurant, and when two Koreans get together, they establish a church." Such an observation on relatively high church/population density of Korean-Americans is supported by statistics on ethnic churches. For instance, as of 1986, 260 Korean-American churches are affiliated with the Presbyterian Church (U.S.A.), while the corresponding number of the Chinese-American, Japanese-

234

AN ANALYSIS OF CAUSES OF SCHISMS IN ETHNIC CHURCHES 235

American, and Filipino-American churches are only 19, 16, and 4, respectively.

It should be noted that Korea has undergone "an explosive growth of Christianity unequaled in Asian history since the conversion of the Philippines in the colonial era by Roman Catholic Spain" (Stokes 1982:68). In 1985, Christians comprised about 30 percent of the total population in Korea, and nearly two-thirds of the Christians in Korea are Presbyterians. The proportion of Korean-Americans who are Christians is substantially higher than that of the population in Korea. According to the results of the recent surveys, almost 70 percent of the Korean immigrant population identify themselves as Christians (Hurh and Kim 1984:131; Dearman 1982:178).

In the New York metropolitan area alone, there are more than 180 Korean congregations which are concentrated in neighborhoods like Flushing, Elmhurst, and Woodside in Queens. The Korean-American congregation has replaced declining white congregations in central cities of large metropolitan areas. The case of the First United Methodist Church of Flushing, Queens, reported in a recent article in the New York Times (July 30,1986,1-10), represents the stereotype of "invasion" and "succession" processes in me urban ecology of churches in inner cities:

"The First United Methodist Church of Flushing, Queens, is really two congregations, one of Americans with deep roots in this country and the other of Korean immigrants. The English-speaking congregation is small, barely 30 members in all, and lacks the wherewithal to maintain the ample church building. But the Korean congregation has 450 members, so many that it is spread out over two Sunday services and fields a choir of 40 singers. They have been the salvation of First Methodist. Immigrants may see America as a land of opportunity, but for hundreds of churches like First Methodist, the immigrants themselves have been an opportunity."

In commenting on the explosive growth of Korean Protestant churches in urban America, Kim (1985:228) asserts that "in light of the fact that American missionaries introduced Koreans to the Protestantism of late 19th century American, Korean immigrants are in a unique position of re-transplanting their version of American Protestantism to so-called 'post-industrial' American society."

Several factors have been responsible for the dramatic increase in the number of Korean immigrant churches over the last 15 years. First of all, as Kim (1985:232) points out, the Korean immigrant community has been blessed with a sufficient supply of their own ministers due to the influx of a large number of ministers and theological students who seek ministerial and educational opportunities in the United States, especially since the passage of the 1965 Immigration and Naturalization Act which grants permanent residency to a qualified ethnic minister. Secondly, Korean immigrants have organized churches to meet the need for a religious/ethnic fellowship, given their socioeconomic marginal status in an alien environment of urban America. Thirdly, the inclusive nature of the church as a social organization has attracted the participation of the immigrants who are seeking the stage for "personal community" which provides them with a "family atmosphere." Kim (1985:234) indicates that by serving as a surrogate for the extended family, "churches have become a focus for strengthening the immigrants' psychological defenses against the dominant institutions and culture of the larger society." Furthermore, most Korean immigrants tend to feel that "much is lost when you worship in a language other than your own" (Kim 1985:234).

The Korean-American churches have made important contributions to the development of the Korean immigrants' communities. The churches have provided various service programs for the settlement and adaptation of the immigrants which are not available from nonreligious organizations. The Korean immigrant churches have played crucial roles in preserving and

236 SOCIOLOGICAL ANALYSIS

enhancing ethnic culture and identity by offering Korean language and history courses for the children of immigrants and the second generation Korean-Americans. Thus, Korean immigrant churches have been much more than simple sites for religious service and salvation (Kim 1985:234).

Although the Korean-American churches have been most important social institutions which performed multiple functions, including some secular roles, for the immigrant communities, the churches have suffered from schisms and subschisms in recent years. In fact, the dramatic increase in the number of Korean-American churches has largely been due to schisms. The schisms, accompanied by an abundant supply of Korean ministers, have caused fierce inter-church competition in recruiting church members in the immigrant communities. A Korean Methodist minister confessed: "There is no Christian spirit in our Methodist churches; other Korean Methodist churches are located within the distance of 20 minutes' driving from this church. They resort to all kinds of subtle means to take away my members. They have never helped us. They think we are their enemies!" (Kim 1985:233). It is believed that the schisms in the churches have caused discord and conflicts within the Korean immigrant communities. Despite the fact that the churches are the most important organizations in the Korean-American community, no empirical study has yet examined the causes and consequences of the schisms.

TABLE 1

Estimated Number of Korean-American Churches in the United States, 1970-1986

Year	Number of Korean Churches
1970	70
1972	150
1973	200
1975	300
1977	400
1978	500
1979	700
1980	1,000
1982	1,200
1984	1,500
1986	1,624

Source: The Korea Gospel Weekly, February 9, 1986 and personal Communication with Rev. T.Y. Kim, Washington, D.C.

AN ANALYSIS OF CAUSES OF SCHISMS IN ETHNIC CHURCHES 237 PURPOSE OF THE STUDY

The primary purpose of this study is to investigate the causes of schisms of Korean-American churches. More specifically, the present study will analyze the important internal and external factors which influence the stability of the churches by comparing characteristics of two selected groups of churches, those which have experienced schisms and those which have been stable and are progressing smoothly. Also, we will examine whether or not the causes of the schisms have changed over time as the Korean immigrant churches have undergone different stages of development in the immigrant community. In the following section we discuss the theoretical frameworks and the hypotheses derived from the theories which are applied to the analysis of the data on schisms.

THEORETICAL CONCEPTS AND HYPOTHESES

It is essential to introduce the sociological perspectives which will provide the theoretical basis of our analysis of the formation and schism of Korean immigrant churches. The notion of "the marginal man" (Park 128: Stonequist 1935; Hughes 1949: Gordon 1964) is an important theoretical concept for understanding the Korean immigrants' tendency to establish ethnic churches. Gordon (1964:64) indicates that "the marginal man is the person who stands on the borders or margins of two cultural worlds but is fully a member of neither." A marginal man is often rejected by the dominant group (Stonequist 1935:1-12). From the marginality theory we can derive an argument that Korean immigrants are not only "in between" or "on the boundary" but also "outside," or at the periphery of the American society (Lee 1980:3). A Korean immigrant is automatically and almost permanently an "outsider" even if highly acculturated to the American way of life (Lee 1979:4). The establishment of and participation in the immigrant churches can be viewed as responses by Korean immigrants to the deprivation and suffering that the American society inflicts upon them due to their marginality. This notion is consistent with the perspectives of the comfort theory of religion (Glock and Stark 1965; Glock et al 1967). The comfort theorists view religion as essentially providing comfort, serenity, and reassurance to those who are deprived, troubled, or disturbed (Greely 1972:63-69). As the black church historically provided its members with a refuge in a hostile white society, as the black church became the arena of political activities, and as the black church was the main area of social life in which blacks could aspire to become the leaders of their community (Frazier 1974:209-223), the Korean immigrant churches are the primary sources of comfort and compensation for Korean immigrants. As Thomas and Znaniecki (1984:247-250) asserted, the ethnic church is much more than a religious organization and it performs functions which in the old country are fulfilled by both church and community organizations.

As a sociological explanation of the causes of the schisms of the Korean immigrant churches the notion of status competition in an immigrant ethnic community (Lopata 1979) is an appropriate theoretical tool. In her study of the Polish American community Lopata (1979:8-11) indicated that Polish Americans are very much interested and involved in status competition at all levels, and the presence of "Polonia"--an ethnic community--enables Polish Americans to obtain reputations and statuses. The opportunities for gaining status visa-vis other members of the ethnic community have served as motivators for establishing an ethnic organization such as the church. Since a great majority of Korean immigrants are deprived of status competition in the broader society, their competition supplies a meaning to life, a means for feeling important. It is believed that the Korean immigrant church provides an

238 SOCIOLOGICAL ANALYSIS

ethnic community for status competition among the members of the community and moreover, that status competition is the primary cause of the schisms of the immigrant churches.

From a review of the general literature of immigrant ethnic communities (Thomas and Znaniecki, 1984; Lopata, 1979; Light, 1972; 1983; Steinberg, 1981) as well as the literature on the Korean immigrant communities and churches (Dearman 1982; Chun 1979; Hurh and Kim 1979,1984; Kim 1981,1985; Yu 1979) a set of variables have been identified as potential factors affecting the stability of Korean-American churches. The following is a list of hypotheses which describe the relationships between the characteristics of the churches and their stability.

H,: The power struggle between factions in a congregation in conjunction with the status competition is a more immediate cause of the schism than the disputes over the theological issues.

H₂: The qualification of the head pastor as measured by educational background and professional experience is one of the most important determinants of the stability of the church: thus, the higher the qualifications of the head pastor, the greater the stability of the church.

H₃: The interdenominational churches are expected to experience more schisms due to the conflict concerning the affiliation issue. The churches with some type of a formal organizational affiliation, i.e., Presbyterian Church (U.S.A.), the United Methodist Church, the Southern Baptist Convention, and others, tend to be more stable than those without such an affiliation.

H₄: Competition for leadership and power between head pastor and associate pastor or poor relationships between the two tend to lead to schisms: the churches which have associate pastor(s) tend to experience schisms to a greater extent than those without associate pastor(s).

DATA AND RESEARCH METHODS

During the year of 1985, we collected the detailed data on case histories of a total of 42 selected Korean-American churches in eight different metropolitan areas--Washington, D.C. and Northern Virginia/Maryland area (18 churches), Philadelphia (7), Atlanta (6), Chicago (5), Baltimore (3), Houston (1), Los Angeles (1), and Columbia, S.C. (1). Of the 42 churches, 34 are cases of schisms, while eight churches have been identified as "model" churches in terms of growth and stability of the congregation. The data on case histories were obtained from a series of interviews of pastors, lay leaders, members of the churches concerned. Whenever possible, additional information was obtained from "informants" which included pastors, lay leaders, and members of other churches in the same community. In addition, some leaders of the organizations of Korean-American pastors were interviewed to obtain further "objective" information on the cases. For each of the 42 selected churches, the following data on the characteristics of the churches have been collected: (1) year founded; (2) background information about founders; (3) congregation size at the time of founding; (4) congregation size at the time of schism; (5) present size of congregation; (6) year when the schism(s) occurred; (7) number of lay leaders at the time of schism; (8) stated or known reasons for the schism; (9) denomination, and (10) formal affiliation.

AN ANALYSIS OF CAUSES OF SCHISMS IN ETHNIC CHURCHES TABLE 2

Characteristics of Selected Korean-American Churches which Experienced Schisms

239

Characteristics (a)

CASE

2(b)

6(c)

1. 1951/ 30 1956/ 80

2. 1965/150

-- TH.B/ 0 1974/160

-- B.D./--- 1977/180
A. --- 1984/160

-- 1965/100 B.D./ 20 1969/180

-- 1969/100 B.D./ 10 1984/180

-- 1974/ 40 TH.M/ 0 1977/100

-- 1977/ 30 B.D./ 10 1978/ 80

9. 1979/100

10. 1964/ 15 M.D./ 10 1969/ 80

11. M.D./ 8 1973/ 90

12. 1973/ 60

13. B.D./ 10 1977/ 80

-- 1969/ 50 M.D./ 9 1972/200

-- 1960/ 40 B.D./ 5 1975/250

16. D.M./ 4 1980/550

17. 1975/ 80 1977/110

18. -- 1980/220

-- 1954/ 30 B.D./ 9 1977/160

-- 1977/ 40 1982/100

-- 1972/ 30 B.D./ 10 1974/100

22. B.D./ 10 1979/180

23. 1973/ 15 D.M./ 5 1976/ 90
A. B.D./ 4 1980/120

24. B.D./ 4 1983/180
A. B.D./ 4 1985/150

25. 1972/ 15 M.D./ 7 1974/ 80

26. M.D./ 7 1976/ 60

-- 1971/ 15 B.A./ 0 1972/ 50

-- 1981/ 30 D.M./--- 1983/180

-- 1981/ 30 M.A./--- 1982/ 80

-- 1977/ 40 D.M./--- 1982/250

-- 1978/ 30 D.M./--- 1983/220

-- 1979/ 30 B.D./ 5 1983/150

-- 1981/ 30 M.D./--- 1984/ 90

-- 1975/ 20 B.D./ 4 1978/ 90

20		I	NO	5
120		I	NO	9
40	YES	I	YES	9
90		I	YES	3
40		I	YES	7
120		P	NO	4
90	YES	I	YES	15
30		P	NO	3
15		P	NO	1
30		P	YES	1
55		P	NO	5
30		P	NO	4
10		P	NO	0
40		P	NO	4
100		I	NO	3
80		I	YES	15
300		P	YES	5
40		I	NO	2
80		I	NO	3
40		I	NO	23
70		I	YES	5
30	YES	В	YES	2
90		В	YES	2
30	YES	p	NO	3
20	YES	p	NO	4
90		p	NO	3
40		p	NO	2
30		I	YES	2
30		I	YES	2
45		I	NO	1
90		I	YES	2
30		p	NO	1
90		p	YES	5
110		I	YES	5
60		p	NO	4
70		p	YES	3
40		M	NO	3

(a) 1. Year of Foundation/Initial Memberships

-- Education of Pastor/Church Experience

-- Year of Schism/Congregation Size

-- Size of Departing Group at Schism

-- Associate Pastor

-- Denomination

-- Affiliation

-- Years Between Foundation and Schism

-- Th.B.: Bachelor of Theology; B.D.:Bachelor of Divinity; M.D. Master of
Divinity; M.A.: Master of Arts; D.M.: Doctor of Ministry.

-- I: Interdenominational; P: Presbyterian; B: Baptist; M: Methodist

240 SOCIOLOGICAL ANALYSIS

TABLE 3

Summary Statistics on "Schism" Churches

Variable		Mean (X)
Congregation size at schism		142
Size of splinter group		66
Number of years between foundation	and
schism or between schisms		4.8
Years of professional experience of	pastors	6.7

In this study, a "schism church" is defined as a church which has experienced a division of the congregation that has resulted in the founding of a new church by the splinter group. On the other hand, a "stable church" is a church which has not experienced any schism in the past five years and is regarded by pastors and lay leaders of other churches in the same community as a "model" church in terms of growth and programs/activities of the church.

Eight of the total 34 schism churches experienced multiple schisms. For such cases each schism has been treated as an independent case and documented chronologically. In many cases, the stated reasons for a schism were different, depending upon the sources of information. In such cases, we attempted to identify the causes of schisms which were reported repeatedly by the different sources and only listed the major causes in our tabulations.

FINDINGS

Table 1 presents the data on the trends of increase in the number of Korean-American churches in the United States since 1970. Table 2 provides the information on the characteristics of 34 selected "schism" churches, while Table 4 shows the characteristics of 8 selected "stable" churches. In Table 5 the summary information concerning the causes of schisms is presented. The analyses of the data are presented below by centering around the issues indicated in the hypotheses formulated earlier.

Hypothesis 1. It was hypothesized that the status competition among members of a congregation would be conducive to formation of factions within the church and strife between the factions will lead to schisms. As indicated in Table 5, strife between factions within the congregation were cited as the primary cause of the schisms in 13 of the total 34 cases. Even in the remaining 21 cases the factional struggle was at least indirectly behind such disputed issues as denominational affiliation, formal affiliation with a larger church system (i.e., Presbyterian Church (U.S.A.), United Methodist Church, etc.), church building purchase, and others. The factional conflicts had been brewing for some period of time before the formal eruption which might have been precipitated by any of the formal issues. What are the causes and motivations for the formation of factions? Why are the Korean immigrant churches

AN ANALYSIS OF CAUSES OF SCHISMS IN ETHNIC CHURCHES 241

TABLE A Characteristics of 8 Selected "Stable" Churches

CASE	1	2	3	4	5	6	7	8
A.	1979/AO	D.M./O			1100	I	YES	...
B.	1965/35	D.H./O	69/180	120	550	P	YES	4/16
С	1975/35	D.M./5			300	P	YES
D.	1982/30	D.M./O			2000	I	YES
E.	1961/30	D.M./O			600	В	YES
F.	1976/30	D.M./5			300	P	YES
G.	1973/30	D.M./O	77/100	30	370	P	YES	4/8
H.	1975/40	D.M./8	79/100	30	360	P	YES	4/6

-- Year of Foundation/Initial Memberships

-- Final Degree/Previous Church Experience of Pastor

-- Year of Schism/Congregation Size

-- Size of Departing Group at Schism

-- Present Congregation Size

-- Denomination

-- Affiliation

-- Years Between Events (Foundation/Schism/Present)

plagued by factional strife within the congregations? Some observations on the causes and processes of the factional conflicts are presented below.

The Korean immigrant population is an extremely heterogenous group in terms of the current socioeconomic characteristics as well as the educational, economic, and social origins in Korea. Furthermore, patterns of differential association between Korean immigrants have emerged in the immigrant community on the basis of such characteristics as duration of residence in the United States, province of origin in Korea, high school/college alumni ties, political orientations (pro-vs. anti-present Korean government), and others. Unlike nonreli-gious voluntary associations in the immigrant community, the congregation of a church consists of members with divergent backgrounds directly reflecting the variance in the total Korean immigrant population. Hence, it is inevitable that cliques and factions will be formed within a congregation on the basis of shared interests and backgrounds.

The "status-anxiety" which stems from the marginality of the Korean immigrants in American society tends to precipitate factional strife within a church. The immigrants who are underemployed, discriminated against, and oppressed by the white majority American society tend to consider the immigrant church as a place where their desire for recognition can be satisfied by being elected as elders and deacons. As Kim (1985:234) noted, Korean immigrants accord high esteem and status to lay leadership positions such as elders and deacons or deaconesses:

"Even successful (Korean immigrant) professionals cannot get along with their American colleagues in pursuing American life styles, for money alone does not guarantee successful businessmen and professionals a commensurate status recognition in the larger society. This sense of status alienation causes many successful professionals and businessmen to commit themselves deeply to church affairs as to other community activities. In these activities they can enjoy the prestige, granted by their fellow countrymen, that is denied them by their occupational or professional peers" (Kim 1981:204).

242 SOCIOLOGICAL ANALYSIS

TABLE 5 Summary of the Alleged Reasons for Schisms as Reported by Informants

Case	Original Church	Schisms Church	Year of Schism	Cause of Schism
1	A	A-l	I9bb	disagreement ot denominational affiliation
2		A-2	1965	disagreement on denominational affiliation
3		A-3	1974	a) discord between head pastor and assoc. pastor b) affiliation
4		A-4	1977	calling of a new pastor
5	В (A-2)	B-l	1969	a) pastor's personal life b) pastor's style of church administration
6	С (B-l)	C-l	1984	promotion of an associate pastor to co-pastorship
7	D (A-3)	D-1	1977	a) pastor's personal life b) pastor's style of church administration
8	E (D-1)	E-l	1978	a) purchasing church building b) internal strife between factions
9		E-2	1979	affiliation
10	F	F-l	1969	a) pastor's remarriage b) discord between two factions of lay leaders
11		F-2	1973	internal conflict between lay leaders
12		F-3	1973	discord between factions
13		F-4	1977	pastor's competence and qualifications
14	F-l	F-l-1	1972	strife between lay leaders
15	G	G-1	1975	a) affiliation (UP) b) conflict between lay leaders
16		G-2	1980	purchasing of a church building
17	H (G-1)	H-l	1978	discord between the pastor and a lay leader
18		H-2	1980	purchase of a church building
19	I	1-1	1977	a) pastor's handling of financial affairs of the church b) participation of pastor's family members in decision-making process of the church
20	J	J-l (1-1)	1982	affiliation
21	К	K-l	1974	denominational affiliation
22		K-2	1979	pastor's dual jobs
23	L	L-l	1976	a) pastor's leave of absence b) temporary pastor
24		L-2	1983	b) pastor's style of church administration
25	M	И-1	1974	affiliation
26		M-2	1974	discord between pastor and lay leaders
27	N	N-l	1972	pastor's ineffectiveness
28	0	0-1	1983	purchase of church building
29	P	P-l	1982	denominational affiliation
30	0	Q-l	1982	affiliation
31	R	R-l	1983	calling of a new pastor
32	s	S-l	1983	conflict between pastor and lay leaders
33	T	T-l	1984	pastor's weak leadership
34	и	U-l	1978	a) pastor's style of church administration b) pastor's leadership quality

Accordingly, Korean immigrants strive seriously to acquire such lay leadership positions, and the straggle for status building in the church turns into a fierce competition among candidates, especially when a limited number of positions are open, which is usually the case in most fairly well-established immigrant churches. Thus, those who fail to get elected to the lay leadership positions frequently opt to lead their supporters in establishing a new church where they can be elected to the leadership position without any opposition.

AN ANALYSIS OF CAUSES OF SCHISMS IN ETHNIC CHURCHES 243

Individuals who have already acquired the lay leadership positions will still continue to participate in the factional struggle within the church for the maintenance and expansion of their power base. The lay leaders in Korean immigrant churches tend to have a peculiar approach to their participation in the decision-making processes. If their proposals and suggestions are not accepted by the session or the board of deacons they tend to consider such situations as "losing honor" or "losing face." Therefore, lay leaders will stage all-out war against opposing views on even trivial issues. Such a tendency toward sensitivity and over-reaction seems to be linked to the "status-anxiety" of Korean immigrants. To many lay leaders the church is the only place where their deprived recognition in the larger community can be compensated and recovered, and thus, even a minor threat or dent to their esteem and status will not be tolerated.

It should be noted that the factions are formed on the basis of various "social ties." Our data indicate that in most cases of "schism churches" two distinctive factions, "pro-pastor" vs. "anti-pastor," consistently emerge. Furthermore, the head pastor himself is usually involved in organizing and leading his own faction to solidify his power base within the church. As indicated earlier, in contrast to the Korean immigrant churches, head pastors of churches in Korea have nearly unchallenged power and authority in making decisions on church affairs. Hence, those pastors who have had pastoral experience in Korea tend to maintain the "Korean style" approach in handling the administrative matters of the Korean immigrant churches. From the pastor's perspective it would be essential to have a group of loyal followers provide unconditional support to control the church. Thus, the head pastor may get involved, at least indirectly, in forming a group of confidants.

On the other hand, lay leaders and those who are seeking the lay leadership positions would be eager to please the head pastor and establish a favorable relationship with him. To a lay leader, an affinity between oneself and the head pastor would directly put one in a powerful position within the church as a member of "inner-circle" of the pastor. Therefore, both the head pastor and lay leaders have a vested interest in organizing their own faction for mutual benefits. The lay leaders who are included as members of the pastor's "inner-circle" group would naturally opt to form their own factions in order to promote and protect their welfare in the church.

In light of the aforementioned causes and processes of faction formation, the strife between factions in a congregation over a seemingly trivial issue involves a more serious struggle for power and dominance in a church than it appears. To some lay leaders who are involved in the factions, "winning" against the opposing faction over an issue is extremely important regardless of the importance of the issue. Their prestige and power in the congregation are at stake for each and every issue. On the whole, the internal conflicts which lead to schism are directly correlated with the heterogeneity of the characteristics of the congregation, status alienation of the immigrants, and the vested interest of clergy and lay leaders.

Hypothesis 2. It was hypothesized that the professional qualifications of the head pastor of a church would be one of the most important determinants of the stability of the church. As indicated earlier, in contrast with other ethnic minorities who suffer a shortage of ministers, Korean immigrant communities have had a surplus of ministers who were trained in Korea. A large number of these ministers originally came to the United States for their studies at theological seminaries and bible colleges. As indicated earlier, the Immigration Act of 1965 enabled these ministers to obtain the permanent residency status ("Green Card") provided that their employment as ministers is documented. Such a favorable change in the immigration law has had a direct impact on the increase in the number of Korean immigrant churches as many Korean ministers have rushed to establish churches in the Korean immigrant communities.

Immigration of Korean ministers to the United States had continued throughout the

244 SOCIOLOGICAL ANALYSIS

1970s. Included in such a large scale immigration of ministers were those unqualified ministers who were trained in minor, unaccredited seminaries and bible colleges in Korea. In addition, Korean-run theological schools with an educational affiliation (in most cases, on paper only) with American seminaries have emerged in large metropolitan areas with heavy concentration of Korean-Americans (Kim 1985:233). These institutions have produced ethnic ministers without a strict "quality control," hence those schools turned out to be mainly "diploma mills" for Korean ministers. In any case, the "supply side" conditions for ministers to serve the Korean immigrant churches have been problematic and have facilitated the instability of churches due to lack of high quality professional training and experience as ministers.

According to our data, an important distinction between "schism" and "stable" churches in terms of basic characteristics is the fact that all of the eight pastors at the "stable" churches have received their undergraduate and graduate training from much more prestigious institutions than have their counterparts in the "schism" churches. All of the eight pastors have earned their masters and doctoral degrees from institutions in the United States. Judging from the general reputations of the institutions it would be reasonable to assume that the eight pastors of the "stable" churches had much better training than pastors who led congregations in schisms.

Traditionally, Koreans are extremely conscious of the prestige of schools one has attended. The quality of the schools where an individual has been trained is a direct determinant of the status and prestige of the individual. Thus, those pastors who were trained in minor, unaccredited seminaries and bible colleges in Korea would have serious disadvantages due to lack of respect from the congregation. It appears that a substantial number of ministers who immigrated to this country were not accepted by a congregation of Korean immigrants who had higher levels of education and professional success.

One interesting finding is that the length of professional experience as a pastor was actually shorter for those ministers of the "stable" churches than that for those of "schism" churches. This seems to suggest that the pastoral experience in Korea may not necessarily be an asset for the ministry in a Korean immigrant church. This may be due to the fact that substantial difference exists between the churches in Korea and the Korean immigrant churches in the United States in terms of style of operation. For example, the head pastor has almost complete control over the decision-making processes in church affairs and enjoys the power and authority attached to the position in Korean churches. In contrast, many Korean immigrant churches tend to adopt the "American style" of church operation which includes active participation of lay leaders in making church decisions. In fact, the authoritarian style of church administration a pastor acquired from ministry in Korea could be even detrimental to adjusting to a more democratic style of operation of the immigrant churches.

The competence of a head pastor seems to be reflected in the various educational and training programs for lay leaders. "Stable" churches tend to have well organized Bible classes, "discipleship" training programs, retreats, and other types of demanding training programs for lay leaders and candidates for lay leadership. The pastors of such churches have been able to establish a strong "master-pupil" relationship with their lay leaders through such training programs. Furthermore, the master-pupil relationship usually provides a solid foundation for trust, loyalty, and supportive relationships between the pastor and the lay leadership which are essential for the stability and development of a church.

Hypotheses 3. An independent, inter-denominational, and unaffiliated church is more likely to experience a schism than a denominational and affiliated church. Tables 2 and 4 indicate that 19 of 34 "schism" churches were inter-denominational at the time of their division, while only two of the eight "stable" churches were inter-denominational. Thus, it appears that this hypothesized relationship is supported.

AN ANALYSIS OF CAUSES OF SCHISMS IN ETHNIC CHURCHES 245

The data presented in Table 5 are consistent with the hypothesis that the denominational affiliation issue was a more important cause of schisms before 1975 than after 1975. This suggests that many Korean immigrant churches were inter-denominational at the outset of establishment for the necessity of recruiting members, and when the churches reached a certain stage of development the denominational issue surfaced as one of the major causes of schisms.

Dearman (1982:167) indicates that there are approximately 80 Protestant denominations in Korea. The Presbyterian is the most dominant denomination, which comprises about two-thirds of the total Protestant population in Korea. It should be noted that the Protestant denominational organizations in Korea have long been plagued by divisions and schisms. The multiplication of the denominations was due to two factors. First, the uncoordinated, "laissez-faire" missionary activities and programs of American Protestant denominations throughout the history of Korean Protestantism resulted in essentially transplanting the American version of the denominational divisions within Protestantism. Secondly, analogous to the schisms of individual churches, the Protestant denominational organizations in Korea have experienced numerous divisions and schisms due to factional strife. In fact, there are more than twenty different denominational sects within the Presbyterian denomination in Korea.

In a sociological study of immigrant communities and ethnicity, primordialism (Light 1972:62; 1981:54-55; 1983:288-290; Steinberg 1981) links pre-immigration, old world characteristics of immigrants to the new world structures the immigrants have created. As a corollary, Korean immigrants tend to retain their original denominational alliance even after immigration. This sentimental practice may be temporarily suppressed only during the initial stage of involvement in the churches mainly because of a lack of alternatives or out of convenience. As immigrants become more aware of the alternative denominational affiliations and share these feelings with fellow church members with the same denominational origin in Korea, the inter-denominational church structure may no longer satisfy their expectations and preferences.

In three cases included in our study (#3, #11, and #20), the discrepancy between the head pastor and the congregation in terms of denominational affiliation origin was the cause of their schisms. Interesting social dynamics are involved in those three cases of denominational affiliation issue, which were frequently observed in the Korean immigrant churches. That is, the denomination of an American church which provides its chapel to a Korean immigrant congregation tends to influence the eventual denominational affiliation of the Korean church. The American church usually encourages the Korean congregation to become an affiliated church of the same denomination as its own by providing assistance in processing the application and by offering financial assistance. Although the congregation may be in favor of joining the denomination, the head pastor may reject such an affiliation on different grounds, including his own denominational background. Furthermore, some pastors are reluctant to affiliate formally with a specific denomination of an American church--the Presbyterian Church (U.S.A.), the United Methodist Church, and the Southern Baptist Convention--since these major denominations require relatively high standards of training and professional credentials for pastoral membership in the denomination.

On the other hand, as indicated in our discussion on Hypothesis 1, some lay leaders who have been alienated in the power struggle within a congregation tend to use the denominational affiliation issue as a vehicle for justifying their grievances on unrelated issues. In particular, some lay leaders who fail to get elected as elders or deacons mobilize their sympathizers and establish new churches under a different denomination, thus satisfying their ambition as well as that of others who might have different grievances against the old church.

In any case, the Presbyterian denomination is the largest denomination even in Korean immigrant Protestantism as it is the case in Korea. About 260 churches are currently affiliated

246 SOCIOLOGICAL ANALYSIS

with the Presbyterian Church (U.S.A.), while some 250 churches are affiliated with the various Korean Presbyterian Church systems in Korea and the United States. It appears that the dominance of the Presbyterian denomination in the Korean immigrant churches is not as strong as it is in Korea. This finding implies that some immigrant churches which are aligned with the denominations, although they may be regarded as minor denominations in Korea, have been able to overcome the denominational handicap through the financial assistance from the American denominational organization and the efforts of the individual church.

In general, formal affiliation with an American denomination such as the Presbyterian Church (U.S.A.), United Methodist Church, and the like tends to deter schism of the Korean immigrant churches. These denominational organizations have well-defined procedures for resolving disputes within congregations, including the issues concerning the appointment and removal of a pastor from his or her position in an individual church. In fact, the Presbyterian Church (U.S.A.) has a fairly strong system which protects the welfare of a pastor in an individual church through the supervision system involving the presbytery. Hence, the knowledge that the higher organization (presbytery) will review the merits of the important decisions of a congregation tends to discourage the potential challenges on such issues, and thus promoting the unity of a congregation.

Hypothesis 4. It was expected that competition for power between head pastor and associate pastor would lead to schisms. In three cases of schism (case #3, #21, and #23) associate pastors were involved. However, even in those three cases, issues other than the discord between head and associate pastors were linked to the schisms. In cases #3 and #21, the disagreement on the issue of the denominational affiliation among members of the congregation was the primary cause of the schism, while the associate pastors in those churches might have been instrumental only in establishing new churches for the splinter groups.

Further, four of eight "stable" churches had associate pastors, and yet no problems in the relationship between pastors were reported. In fact, head pastors and lay leaders pointed out that associate pastors have been instrumental in improving and expanding various educational and service programs of their churches. Hence, if a head pastor has solid educational credentials and a high quality leadership, an associate pastor will not be regarded as an alternative leader and discords between the two are not likely to occur.

An associate pastor may be regarded by a group of disenchanted members as a potential leader for their cause. Nevertheless, since the head pastor usually hand picks his associate pastors and would take into account the potential conflict, the risk of discords between them seem to be minimized through the head pastor's involvement in this selection process.

DISCUSSION

The new wave of Korean immigration which started with the passage of the 1965 immigration law triggered the rapid proliferation of the ethnic churches over the past 20 years. The schisms and sub-schisms have accelerated the multiplication of Korean immigrant churches. As documented in this study, a number of cultural, economic, and social psychological forces have been responsible for the schisms in the churches. First, the marginal status of Korean immigrants in American society has enhanced the attractiveness of lay leadership positions in the churches as sources of prestige. Competition for lay leadership positions has usually evolved into a fierce struggle among candidates which frequently accompanies factional strife within the congregation. Second, as Kim (1981:198) noted, the abundant supply of Korean ministers and their pioneering spirit have provided the immigrant communities with the base

AN ANALYSIS OF CAUSES OF SCHISMS IN ETHNIC CHURCHES 247

for establishing the immigrant churches. In fact, Dearman (1982:175) observed that 67 percent of the Korean immigrant churches in the Los Angeles area were established by ministers, while only 28 percent were founded by the congregations and the remaining 5 percent were credited to the denominations. Most educational and professional trainings acquired in Korea are not generally transferable to the same professional careers in the labor market of the United States. The pastoral position is one of the few exceptions. Kim (1981:198) indicated that "simply because a church provides its minister with his means of livelihood and the same high prestige his profession enjoys in the home country, the minister's personal ambition plays a dominant role in the emergence as well as the functioning of churches." The lack of well-trained and qualified ethnic ministers has added to the problem of the "supply side." Third, the heterogeneity in the characteristics of immigrant church members tends to be conducive to the formation of factions which eventually cause the schisms. The Korean immigrant population is an extremely heterogenous group in terms of the various economic, social, and political orientations before as well as after their immigration to this country.

Fourth, the issues which originally cause the internal conflicts and schisms of the immigrant churches have changed over time as the immigrant churches have experienced the new stages of development and maturity. For example, denominational affiliation issues were more prevalent before 1975 than they were since 1975, while disputes over the purchase of church buildings emerged more frequently after 1975. Kim (1985:234) pointed out, we have observed that the cases of schisms, over the minister's theological position have been few in number.

The schisms have been counterproductive for the continuing development of the Korean immigrants and improving the solidarity of the ethnic community. However, schism has been one of the channels through which the expansion of the Korean immigrant Protestantism has been accomplished. For better or worse the fervor for immigrant churches still appears to be strong and it may remain so in the foreseeable future. One Korean immigrant woman indicated that "Maybe because we are living in another country, maybe that makes us more devout. There are so many different standards that you can get attached to, living in an entirely different situation, that your religion takes a very strong lead in your life" (New York Times, July 30, 1986, 1-10). Nevertheless, the final verdict on the real success of the Korean immigrant churches will still be out until the time when the next generation of Korean-Americans take over the immigrant churches.

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An Analysis of Causes of Schisms in Ethnic Churches: The Case of Korean-American Churches

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