Everyone has a name
given to him by the mountains
and given to him by his walls
Everyone has a name
given to him by the stars
and given to him by his neighbors
Everyone has a name
given to him by his sins
and given to him by his longing
Everyone has a name
given to him by his enemies
and given to him by his love
Everyone has a name
given to him by his feasts
and given to him by his work
Everyone has a name
given to him by the seasons
and given to him by his blindness
Everyone has a name
given to him by the sea and
given to him
by his death.
(Translated from Hebrew by Marcia Falk, quoted from "Generations of the Holocaust" by Bergmann and Jugovy)
Director of the Center for Korean Studies
Kazakh National University
There are roughly 500,000 Koreans living in the former Soviet Union, about two-thirds of them in Kazakhstan and Uzbekistan, and the remaining third mostly in Russia. In the past, both in the academic literature and the vernacular, the term "Soviet Koreans" was used to refer to all Koreans living in the USSR, but the Koreans referred to themselves as either "Koryo Saram" or "Choson Saram" * interchangeably.
The Soviet Koreans do not share a common single history and they are separated into three primary groups. The first and largest group is those who are the descendents of migrants to the Russian Far East from the province of northern Hamgyon. This group, which has members who have lived on Russian/Soviet territory for 2-5 generations, is that which is rightly named "Koryo saram." The second group constitute the Koreans of Sakhalin. Between 1939 and 1945, approximately 60,000 Koreans were forcibly moved by the Japanese colonial government from the southern provinces of Korea to the Karafuto states (the Japanese name for the southern part of Sakhalin). At the end of World War II, there were still more than 47,000 Koreans who remained in the southern part of Sakhalin. At present, the number of Koreans on Sakhalin is more than 35,000, including those who had themselves migrated there in the 1940s as well as those who have lived there for as long as three generations. The third group, while very small in number, is highly visible since they speak Korean as their native language. These are former North Korean citizens who remained in the Soviet Union after finishing Soviet universities and other institutions of higher education or after having worked under contract in the USSR. Some representatives of this group are also refugees from North Korea who were able to attain Soviet or Russians papers after having fled across the North Korean-Soviet border. Given the differences between these varied groups, the ethnonym "Koryo Saram"is already semantically more exact than that of "Soviet Koreans."
Nowadays the term "Koryo Saram" is preferred, but in South Korean scientific literature, mass media and everyday speech two variants of the name - "Koryoin" and "Koryo Saram" - have become most commonly used in regard to post-Soviet Koreans.
Studies on Koryo Saram
The history of Koryo Saram constitute inexhaustible foci for research work and there is a voluminous literature, the quality of which has been determined by factors such as the methods used and the objects studied. Interpretations within the historical material also vary widely according to the levels and methods of analysis.
A number of works by Russian authors appeared at the time of the first migration of Koreans to the Russian Far East. In certain of these works, authors paid attention to factors underlying the mass immigration, and also to the social, economic and legal conditions of the new arrivals to the Maritime region. Since interest in the Korean influx was dictated primarily by pragmatic rather than purely academic considerations, it is not surprising that counted among the ranks of the first authors are statesmen from the Tsar's administration in the Far East, as well as officials, military men, writers and publicists.
The main stages in the historical development of Soviet Koreans, ethnic processes, material and spiritual culture, professional performing arts, language and speech behavior, folklore and school education have received sufficient attention. However, to date, the majority of scholarly and popular work has remained primarily descriptive in form and mostly general in approach.
Since the end of the 1980s scholars, writers, playwrights, poets and artists, who are taking great interest in the history and culture of the Koryo Saram have become more and more active. During the last decade more books and articles on Koreans were published than in the preceding sixty years. There are causes and explanations for this occurrence. First, Gorbachov's democratization and glasnost opened the yes of many scholars, provided access to secret archive documents and made it possible to publish books and articles. Second, the productivity of the researchers met the demands of an unheard-of ethnic renaissance. This fed a wave of interest among all nationalities in their cultural `roots.' Third, Korean community societies and associations in Kazakhstan played a certain organizational role in the cause of studying the history of the Diaspora. Fourth, the government of the Republic of Korea, South Korean research centers, foundations, NGO's and private persons stimulated the interest of local researchers by sponsoring the discovery, copying and publication of archival materials, publication of books, and invitations to language and scientific programs in Seoul, as well as other international conferences and seminars.
In the West, mention of and information concerning the Koryo saram first appeared in the 1950-1960, in the books written by W. Kolarz, J. Stephan, and G. Ginsburgs. In the 1980s the greatest activity in the study of the past and present of the Koryo saram was to be found amongst Western and American scholars of Korean ethnic origin like Kim Youn-Su, Shin Youn-Cha, Suh Dae Sook etc. From the whole corpus of foreign historiography special attention is to pay to the monograph of Kho Songmoo, a professor of Helsinki University, which brings to light a rather wide range of problems: the history of the Koreans' appearance in Russia and the forced migration to Kazakhstan and Central Asia; the contemporary ethno-cultural life of the Koryo Saram; rice-growing in Korean kolkhozes and sovkhozes; language and speech; and Korean theatre and literature.
For a number of years R. King researched Korean dialects, especially those of the Northern provinces from which most of the ancestors of soviet Koreans had come. In King's opinion, the archaic and dialectal elements of phonology, morphology and lexica of the Korean language are most clearly observed and widely preserved in the speech of Koryo saram. This has been a legacy of the long isolation of the inhabitants of the northern Korean provinces and the subsequent isolation of the Korean settlers in Russia from the influences of the standard literary Korean language under development.
Since the beginning of the 1990s, there has been a growth in the interest in Koryo Saram of southern Korean scholars: historians, anthropologists, linguists, and political scientists.
Recently a new generation of western and south-Korean scholars and presented their considerations on Koryo Saram in articles and conference papers focusing their interests on specific topics such as Deportation (ethnic cleansing) of Stalin epoch and identity and strategy of survival in the new nationalizing post- soviet Central Asian countries.
There still remains much virgin territory to explore in examining questions along more specific specialist lines with more theoretical pondering about the meaning of the work being done. More specific research on various aspects of the history of Korean Diaspora is needed, and we should to research more deeply on the foundations of empirical data the present day life of the Diaspora. Furthermore, there is a need for scholarly research, which can help us understand the actual prospects of political, socio-economic, and ethnic development of Korean Diaspora. These ponderings about the future of Koryo saram should play a major role in the work done in science and culture by the Diaspora in the 21st century.
A Historical Overview of Korean Diaspora in Kazakhstan
During the decline of the Choson dynasty (1392-1910), Korea appeared unprepared to enter the era of capitalism. For nearly a century, Western and Japanese colonial claims aggravated its protracted political, social, and economic crises. In 1905, after its victory over Russia in the Russo-Japanese War, Japan declared the Korean peninsula its protectorate, annexing it five years later. Mass impoverishment and starvation among Korean peasants compelled many to flee the peninsula.
The first Korean immigrants appeared in the Russian Far East during the late 1850s and early 1860s. The Russian administration used the labor of these Koreans to populate and develop this territory. In the 1880s and 1890s, the Koreans received the right to register as citizens of the Russian empire under the terms of a Russo-Korean treaty determining their status. The number of Korean immigrants to the area grew by the thousands, with many taking the sea route from Pusan to Vladivostok and others the overland route across the river Tumangan. Some Koreans found other routes to Russian territory that took them through Chinese territory. The number of Koreans increased in the pre-Revolutionary period from several dozen to some 85,000 by 1917.
Koreans initially lived in separate villages, and their daily life, social relations, ethnic culture, and language were almost the same as in Korea. Then came the October Revolution of 1917, which united workers of all ethnic groups with its slogans of justice, freedom, and equal rights. Koreans largely supported the Soviet cause, with hundreds sacrificing their lives in World War II, believing this would help lead to the liberation of Korea.
By the 1930s, the Koreans of the Soviet Far East had established their own identity, culture and traditions. There were hundreds of Korean agricultural and fishing Kolkhozes; Koreans were actively involved in government and social organizations; traditional culture was maintained and developed; the Korean intelligentsia grew numerically and qualitatively; and Korean theaters and other educational and cultural institutions were established. Koreans were sovietized and integrated in the new political and socio-economic system.
The Koreans were one of the first people of the Soviet Union to be deported. Top secret order number1428-326cc of the Soviet government and Communist Party, "On the deportation of the Korean population of the Far East," dated August 21, 1937 and signed by Molotov and Stalin, was a logical continuation of earlier Czarist and Soviet policies relating to national minority populations. The Koreans settled in Kazakhstan and Uzbekistan, established the basis for a new life, and contributed to the development of agriculture in these new places.
On June 22, 1941 Germany invaded the Soviet Union. Despite the humiliation of deportation, the Koreans remained patriots who were ready to help defend their country. Korean men joined work brigades, otherwise known as the "Labor Army," which kept the country and army alive throughout the war. Many Koreans wanted to join the ranks of the military at the front but only a few were dispatched. One of them, Captain Alexander Min, was honored as a "Hero of the Soviet Union."
Despite great losses, Koreans continued to survive through their persistence, work habits, and courage. In the post-War years, Koreans continued to make great contributions to the development of agriculture in Kazakhstan and Uzbekistan. In the 1940s and 1950s more than a hundred Koreans were honored with the highest Soviet decoration for work productivity, the "Order of Hero of Socialist Labor." A turning point in the lives of Koreans, as with all other Soviet peoples, came in 1953, when Stalin died and the political regime began to liberalize. In the 1950s and 1960s Koreans also became more involved in cultivating cotton, sugar beets and vegetables. Koreans also made great progress in the cultivation of onions in all regions of the Soviet Union.
Organizational skills and high educational standards also prepared many Koreans for careers as specialists and leaders in industrial and governmental sectors. Many of them were honored with the prestigious prizes such as the "Lenin Prize" and the "State Prize." Furthermore, over 150 Koreans were recognized with different honors for their long years of service in industry, agriculture, construction, architecture and other sectors of the economy. In addition, Koreans played important roles in the development of science, academic research, art, literature, education, health care and sports during the post-War years. By the early 1970s, there were hundreds of Koreans working as professors and scholars in universities and research institutes.
After the collapse of the Soviet Union and the founding of the Newly Independent States, another new page opened in the history of the Koryo saram. They are again being forced to adapt, this time to the nationalizing republics of Central Asia. The political and socioeconomic changes and the deteriorating standards of living over the last decade have led to much trepidation among all peoples of the former Soviet empire regarding the future. Contemporary migration processes in Central Asia are connected to a complex variety of socio-economic and political factors. Reasons for Koryo saram migration include the following: a desire to return to the places where the first generation settled, namely the Russian Far East; ethno-centripetal tendencies and processes of inter-ethnic consolidation; specific agricultural activities unique to the Koryo saram, namely, kobonjl clans and families in business; high levels of urbanization, education and individualism and success-oriented mentalities.
The former Soviet Koreans can be classified into three groups. The first group are the descendents of migrants to the Russian Far East from northern provinces of Korea. This group is rightly named "Koryo saram." (K-1). The second group are Koreans who were forcibly moved by the Japanese from the southern provinces of Korea to Sakhalin (K-2). The third group are former North Korean citizens, who remained in the Soviet Union after finishing universities or after contract work. (K-3).
Studies of Koryo Saram anthroponomy
An interest in the exploring the names of Soviet Koreans is displayed by ethnographers (R. Dzharylgazinova) and linguists (O. Kim, M. Khegai). Some success has been achieved in research on traditional and new elements in the naming of Koryo Saram.
Rosa Dzharylgazinova has revealed four patterns in the anthroponomy of Koryo Saram in Central Asia and Kazakhstan. These patterns are correlated to chronology.
- --
the traditional Korean anthroponomy (from 19th until the 2nd decade of the 20th c.), which I will designate as A-1.
- --
The predominance of traditional anthroponomy and the appearance of new element in names of Koreans in the Soviet Far East (the 1920-30s) - A-2.
- --
The anthroponomy of the traditional type with an increased role of Russian names (the 1930-60s) - A-3
- --
The anthroponomy with a new formula for a person's - surname, personal name and patronymic which was confirmed in the 1960-70s - A-4.
In my opinion, these are worth being correlated to the three groups of Koreans living in Kazakhstan. If the Koreans of the first group, which I have designated as K-1, have the predominant anthroponomy A-4, then for the group K-2, the types A-2 and A-3 are characteristic. And for the group K-3, the type A-1.
The main components of the traditional Korean formula for appellation are a surname or hereditary name, and a given name. In contrast to European anthroponomy, the surname always precedes the given, individual name. For example, in the combination Kim Il Sung, Kim is the surname and Il Sung is the first name. According to the rules of the Russian language, a surname precedes the first name, for example, Pushkin Alexander Sergeevich or Yeltsin Boris Nikolaevich. In spoken Russian and all the more so while addressing someone, the first name comes first - Mikhail Sergeevich Gorbachov, Yurii Alexeevich Gagarin.
At present in the South Korea, in the standard Korean language which is much influenced by the English lexics and norms of the English language, the western name formula is more often used. This is particularly true for scientific works and scholars many of whom got their education in the USA. That is why in books and newspaper publications the first South Korean president is called Sung Man Lee, and not Lee Sung Man. Quite often one can see a visiting card of some young South Korean on which on the one side it is printed in Korean - ??? (Kim Dae Jung) and on the other in English - Dae Jung Kim and in the best case, it is printed as John, Daniel, Matthew etc. Kim. In colloquial Korean language everything remains within the frameworks of the traditions and the next UN General Secretary, who had become very famous in Korea, is called Ban Kee-moon.
As a rule, the Korean surname is a monosyllable; two-syllable surnames aren't common. Traditional Korean anthroponomy doesn't have any double surnames, like the Russian, e.g. Bestuzhev-Ryumin and Saltykov-Schedrin. The number of Korean surnames is very small and is estimated by different scholars as between 180 and 250. A comparative-retrospective analysis of chronicles, encyclopedias and dictionaries allowed a conclusion about the tendency towards a diminishing Korean surname fund. The most widespread Korean surnames are considered to be Kim, Lee and Pak, which make up almost half of all South Korean surnames.
The table below contains data on the most frequent surnames in modern South Korea and among the Koreans of Kazakhstan, based on the list of names given in the reference book "Koreans of Kazakhstan in sciences, technology and culture". Different Romanized writing of Korean surnames sometimes leads to complications, particularly when it is necessary to prove the identity of a certain person and family relations. Korean surnames in Russian can have considerable differences both in writing and in pronunciation. For instance, the Korean surname ? is romanized in Korea - Chwe and in Russia - Tsoy, ? - Chung and Ten, ? - Hwang and Hwan and etc. In the table below we can observe the proportions of most frequent Korean surnames in Korea and Kazakhstan with the differences in the Romanized writing.
Comparison of the most frequent surnames among South Koreans and Koryo Saram.
|
Surname (Korea)
|
Number
in Mln.
|
%
|
Surname (Kazakhstan)
|
Number from total 620
|
%
|
|
Kim
|
14,9
|
22
|
Kim
Ким
|
|
25,8
|
|
Lee
|
10,2
|
15
|
Li, Ligai, Ni, Nigay
Ли, Лигай, Ни, Нигай
|
|
12.9
|
|
Park
|
5,8
|
8,5
|
Pak
Пак
|
|
8,55
|
|
Chwe
|
3,3
|
4,7
|
Tsoi
Цой
|
|
7,58
|
|
Chung
|
3,0
|
4,4
|
Ten
Тен
|
|
2,9
|
|
Kang
|
1,6
|
2,3
|
Kan
Кан
|
|
3.39
|
|
Cho
|
1,5
|
2,1
|
Tyo, Dyo, Degay
Тё, Дё, Дегай
|
|
|
|
Yoon
|
1,4
|
2,1
|
Yun
Юн
|
|
0,32
|
|
Chang
|
1,4
|
2
|
Tyan
Тян
|
|
0,97
|
|
Yim
|
1,1
|
1,7
|
Lim
Лим
|
|
0,48
|
|
Oh
|
1,1
|
1,5
|
Ogay
Огай
|
|
0,97
|
|
Han
|
1,1
|
1,5
|
Khan
Хан
|
|
4,84
|
|
Shin
|
1.0
|
1,5
|
Shin, Sin
Шин, Син
|
|
1,45
|
|
Kvon
|
1,0
|
1,4
|
Kwon
Квон
|
|
0,64
|
|
Hwang
|
1,0
|
1,4
|
Hwan
Хван
|
|
2,74
|
|
Ahn
|
1,0
|
1,4
|
An
Ан
|
|
0,64
|
|
Song
|
1,0
|
1,4
|
Son
Сон
|
|
1,77
|
|
Yoo
|
0,9
|
1,3
|
Yugay, Yu
Югай, Ю
|
|
1,93
|
|
Hong
|
0,8
|
1,1
|
Khon
Хон
|
|
0,48
|
|
Chun
|
0,7
|
1,1
|
Chen
Чен
|
|
0,48
|
|
Hur
|
|
|
Khe, Khegay
Хегай, Хе
|
|
1,93
|
The data in the table allow us to observe considerable differences in the relative frequency of Korean surnames in Korea and Kazakhstan. For instance, those having Yun surname constitute 2,1 %, whereas among Koreans of Kazakhstan -only 0, 32 %, i.e. almost 7 times less often. The share of Khan is 1,5 % in Korea and in Kazakhstan - 4,84 %. The difference in frequency in two or three times can be observed as regards such surnames as Cho, Yim, Chwe, Chang, Кvon, Chung, Hur, Hong and others. I think the reason for this phenomenon should be sought in the territorial distribution of surnames which was in effect in the second half of the 19th c., i.e. at the beginning of Korean resettlement to the Russian Far East. In this connection it is necessary to make a comparative analysis of the surname lists of Koreans in the provinces neighboring Russia - Hamkyong and P'hienan, and also lists of Korean resettlers' villages in Primorskii and Khabarovskii krai (administrative-territorial entities).
The surname is the most stable component in the modern formula of naming among the Koryo Saram. Among Koreans, living in Kazakhstan, aside from those listed in the table, the following surnames are the most widespread: Din (Tin), Yem (Em), Kon, Lyan (Yan), Lyu (Lyugay), Min, Mun, Nam, Nim, Pan, Pyagay, Pyak, Sim, Tsay, Shek etc.
The full list of Korean Family names is quite short in comparison to the number of surnames of other peoples. Some new forms of surnames appeared among the Koryo Saram which was created by the additional of the particle - "gai" to a surname ending in the vowel, the origin of which has not yet been certainly established. It is likely that the particle - "gai" is connected with the word - "га", meaning "family" in Korean or "clan" and, when giving their surnames Koreans add "ga", for example: Kim-ga, Lee-ga, Han- ga etc.
As a rule, this is true for surnames consisting of one vowel or ending with a vowel. Among Koreans in Kazakhstan are often the following surnames of this type: Chagay, Degay, Digai, Dyugay, Dyagay, Khegay, Kigay, Kogay, Lagay, Ligay, Lyugai, Migay, Magay, Nigay, Nogay, Ogay, Pegay, Pyagay, Shegay, Tigay, Tyagay, Ugay, Wigay, Yegay, Yugay and etc. Very rarely "ga" is added to a surname ending with a consonant. In the above-mentioned reference book, there are two men with the surname Vongay. I also know the surname Pakkay. Here we have a case when according to the rules of the Russian pronunciation a consonant became voiceless and instead of "gai" we have "kai".
International communication, a tendency for the processes of assimilation in the linguistic behavior of the Koryo Saram, with standardization and unification of naming formulas in official documents, caused the following innovations in Koryo Saram surnames:
- --
The appearance of double surnames, e.g. Kim-Bozykh, Kylvart-Shek, Orlova-Kim, Satybaldina-Kim etc. But only a small number of Koreans have double surnames. As a rule Korean women who married non-Koreans add to their maiden surnames the surnames of their husbands.
- --
The acceptance by Korean women of their husbands' surnames. However this, practice has not spread everywhere. Many people continue to stick to the ancient tradition after marriage of women preserving her maiden surname. In the Kalinin district of Alma-Ata (May 1980) the births of 18 Korean babies were registered and the parents of 10 of them had different surnames.
- --
In Kazakhstan in rare instances children may inherit their mother's surname, whereas in Korea the surname is always taken from the father's. '
Some Koreans of Kazakhstan have very rare surnames, the origin of which can be explained by the illiteracy of persons' parents, or of those who registered them. That is the case with the surname Осенмук (Оsenmuk) which was in fact composed from father's surname O and his given name Senmuk. Another unusual Kazakhstani Korean's surname is Oмм (Omm) which is just a wrong writing of the surname Эм (Um).
The distinguishing feature of Korean anthroponomy is the existence of toponimical -origin names, "bon". Bon is connected with the place from which the ancestors of a person are ostensibly originated. It is well-known that every Korean surname has a number of bons. For example, the surname Kim has 623 bons; nowadays there are about 70 frequent ones - the surname Lee has 546 bons, 80 are the most wide-spread; the surname Park has 381 bons but only 30 are very frequent. Though toponimical-origin names aren't included in official documents, every full-aged Koryo Saram knows his bon up to the present day, because conjugal relations are regulated with the aid of them. Persons who have the same bon are considered close relatives, and a marriage between them is banned. The table contains the most numerous bon of the surname Kim.
The most appreciable changes have taken place in the given names of Koryo Saram. It may be observed as far back as the pre-Revolutionary period that Koreans used Russian first names. In many cases this was connected with the acceptance of the Orthodox religion. For insistence, the author of the "ABC book for Koreans", published by the Orthodox Missionary Society in Kazan in 1907, were Shegay Gleb Pavlovich and Khan Nikita Petrovich. But not only old Russian names like Afanassiy, Gleb, Ivan, Osip, Yelissey (male); Glafira, Matrena, Melania, Pelageya, Yefrosinya (female) etc. were popular, but also Biblical-Jewish names were often given to Korean children born in the Russian Far East for such as: Moses (in Russian - Moisey), Joseph (Iosif), Matthew (Matvey), Jacob (Yakov) etc.
The spread of Russian names is typical for the period of struggle for the establishment of the Soviet regime and the Civil War in the Far East (1918-1922). The Korean participants in the partisan and the anti-Japanese independent movement, in addition to Korean names, often had a Russian Anthroponomy, e.g. O Kha Muk (also Ogay Khristophor Nikolaevich), Khan Chan Ger (also Khan Grigory Yeliseevich).
Beginning in the 1930-40s the mass adoption of Russian names can be observed and these were subsequently fixed in official documents. The Koreans used, as a rule, calendar names (Alexander, Nikolay, Anna, Maria, etc) but "revolutionary" names appeared in the soviet period (e.g. male names: Lemar - Lenin&Marx; Mels - Marx&Engels&Lenin&Stalin. Female names: Reva and Lutsiya derived from first and second half of the word Revolution. In Russian this word is written and pronounced like "Reva/lutsiaya". Incidentally, "revolutionary" names were then apparently used by all peoples of the country. The name of Karl (Marx), Friedrich (Engels), Vissarion (the name of Stalin's father), and Oktiabr (named after Great October socialist revolution), May ( named after the 1st May) etc. were quite usual among Koreans. One of the shocking names of that period is the female name - Dazdraperma. ( Da zdravstvuet pervoe maya! ) composed of the first syllables of the proletarian slogan - "Long live the first May!" In English this name will be like "Lolithefirma".
From the 1950s the mass enthusiasm, for proper European names began, many of which weren't widespread among the Russian population: Adolph, Albert, Albina, Anzhelika, Friedrich, Eduard, Kamilla, Karl, Klara, Editha, Emilia, Octavian, Olgerd, Rolf, Rudolf etc.
This phenomenon has not yet been explained. Probably it is connected with the ancient Korean tradition of adherence to syllable equality in the names of brothers and sisters. In that situation more often the similarity is in the 1st syllable, e.g. Man Sam, Man Gym, Man Ir. Sticking to this tradition, the Koryo Saram also name their children with names beginning with the same letter; apparently the traditional Russian names are not sufficient. That's why West European names appeal to Koreans. In this situation the Russian language fulfils the functions of a language-mediator. Let's give some examples with the family of a tractor-driver, Khe Von Khak, from the Karatal district of the Taldy-Kurgan region the daughters were given following names: Edda, Editha and the sons were given the names: Anton, Andrey, Aphanasy. Striving for observance of these traditions, weak acknowledgement of the Russian language and insufficient educational standards of the ZAGs (Registry Office) and village administration in the 1940-50s sometimes led to unusual situations. So in the family of Yegai Alexei, who, who lived in the kolkhoz "Dostizhenie" (Karatal district of the Taldy-Kurgan region), the sons have the following names: Yephrem, Yegor, Volodya and Vova. The last two names are different diminutive forms from the full form of the name - Vladimir. It ought to be mentioned that, up to the middle of the 1970s, diminutive names were registered in official documents; today this is the cause of some problems for those registered with these names.
Up to the present time, the transfer of names from the native peoples of Kazakhstan and Central Asia to Koreans has not been widespread. Rare cases are observed mainly among the children who were born in nationally mixed families. More often, the fathers of such children are non-Koreans. In the abovementioned list are Korean scholars with following Kazakh, Arabic and Turkic names: Dina, Orumbert, Gulnara, Zhanna, Elvira, Eldar.
The new trend in the giving of the given names is connected to international marriages between South Korean men and Kazakhstani women. The children in such families have traditional Korean name. These cases are observed also in some Koryo Saram families, especially if the parents have been in South Korea for a while.
A new element in the modern formula of Koryo Saram appellation is the patronymic. The Russian suffix - ovich, - evich (for men) and - ovna, - evna (for women) are used in the formation of patronymics. The Koryo Saram`s patronymics may go back to:
- --
the Korean name of the father, e.g. when the father's full name is Son Dya Dyun, the son's will be Son Lavrenty Dyadyunovich; when the father's full name is Tyo Men Khee, the daughter's will be - Tyo Valentina Menkhievna,
- --
the father's second Russian name, in this case the father's name, written on official documents and the children's patronymic have different stems
- --
the father's official Russian name.
It's a rather specific and widespread fact amongst the Koreans, that in one and the same family the older generations have no patronymic. For instance, in the family of Kim Dyun Bin (with second Russian name Nikolai) there are 6 children, and four of them have no patronymic, while the son Samson is "Nikolaevich" and the daughter, Svetlana is "Nikolaevna".
In R. Dzharylgazinova`s opinion, the official fixation of patronymic for Koryo Sarams took on a mass character at the beginning of the 1960s. Until that time, in spite of the extensive use of Russian names, it was rare for Koreans to use patronymic. Let's mention the traditional elements, preserved in the modern anthroponomy of the Koryo Saram.
- --
The composition of the family names has not such changed.
- --
A certain part of the Koreans has a traditional Korean first name, included in official documents.
- --
Some Koreans have in official documents the traditional Korean names with Russian (West European) names.
- --
Some Korean families use the traditional name, though in official document only a Russian or West European name is fixed.
- --
Some Koreans have patronymics which go back to the Korean name.
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The tradition to name brothers and sisters with related names still remains.
An analysis of the materials, collected by the author during an expedition during an expedition to the Taldy-Kurgan region in 1990, makes it possible to produce a quantitative correlation between the traditional and new elements in the modern anthropology of Koryo Saram. Of 353 Koreans, living in the Telmann village of Karatal district, the traditional formula of naming is used for 27 persons (7,7%), the Korean surname + Russian of West European name - for 146 persons (41,3%), the Korean surname + name (Russian or European)+patronymic - for 180 persons (50,9%). Of 257 Koreans, living in Ushtobe the data are the following: 21 persons (8,3%,) have traditional Korean names; Korean surname + Russian or West European given name, 97 people (37,7%): a surname, given name and patronymic, 139 people (54,1% ). Ten people have patronymics which are made from the Korean name of father, 11% of the people have patronymics.
Knowing the originality of the Korean formula naming , the family fund and the traditional Korean name list, analyzing tendencies in given names allows one to make some recommendations regarding the correct oral and written reproduction of Korean anthroponomy.
1. If all the components of a man naming formula are Korean, traditionally we should stick to the rule, according to which surnames precede other names. For example, in the mass media during the speed skating world championships at the ""Medeo""skating rink in Alma-Ata, one of the prize-winners a Korean sportsman, figured as Kee Dae Bae, whereas his true name is Bae Kee Dae.
2. In the Russian press and publications the Korean given names are written in two words, and that `s why the whole formula of naming looks as trinomial. Pak Chee Von. A given name may be written either separately (Choon Sub, Im Cher), or together (Choonsub, Imcher), or with a hyphen (Choon-Sub, Im-Cher). Sometimes the second component of given names is written with a hyphen followed by a small letter - Den-bya, Son-ne. Which of the spelling should we consider the right one? All the components of the right name should be written separately and with a capital letter, e.g. Lee Sung Sin, Park Chon Hee, Kim Kee Dook.
A greater difficulty is presented by the equivalents of Korean Anthroponomy in Russia written texts. For example, the name of a playwright and producer of the Korean Theatre in Alma-Ata, in Russian can have the following equivalents:
a) surname: Тхя, Тхай, Тхэ
b) the first component of the name: Джан, Джанг, Дян
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the second component of the name: Чун, Чхун.
If we take into account variations in the writing of the names (separately, in one word, with a hyphen, with a capital or a small letter) we can realize why one and the same Korean name can have several dozen variations in Russian. The rules of reproduction of Korean names in Russian require further clarification. Of some help can be the surnames contained in the first volume of the "Great Korean Dictionary". Unfortunately, modern two-language dictionaries have similar lists of common given names.
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In the newspaper "Koryo Ilbo", published in Kazakhstan both in Korean (Hangyl) and Russian, names of Koryo Saram are always written in full, as the combination of a surname with the first letters of a name and patronymic gives often no idea of the sex of a person the more so because of a person unless it is in some case other than the nominative, e.g. Kim V. (Vladimir), Rim V.(Vera). We can see the difference only when the grammatical case other than nominative is obvious (e.g. genitive, dative etc.). .
In conclusion, the anthroponomy of Koryo Saram includes some traditional elements, innovations and new tendencies. Very little is known about the naming of Koreans in the Russian Far East in the period of 1863-1937 and of Sakhalin Koreans after 1945. It is necessary to work out uniform rules for Russian transcription of Korean names.
Kim German. "History, Culture and Language of Koryo Saram", Seoul Journal of Korean Studies, 1993, Vol. 6, р. 125-153
German Nikolaevich Kim and Ross King (Eds.) "The Koryo Saram: Koreans in the Former USSR". Korean and Korean American Studies Bulletin. Vol. 2&3, 2001
Ginsburgs, George. "Citizenship Status of Koreans in Prerevolutionary Russia and in the early Years of the Soviet Regime." Journal of Korean Affairs, 1975, Vol. 2, No.2, pp.1-19; Ginsburgs, George. "The Citizenship Status of Koreans in the USSR: Post-World War II Developments", Journal of Korean Affairs, 1976, Vol. 6, No. 1, pp.1-16; Ginsburgs, George and Herta Ginsburgs. "A Statistical Profile of the Korean Community in the Soviet Union", Asian Survey, 1977, Vol. XVII, No. 1, pp. 952-967.
???, 1983?????, ??????:??; ???, 1986a??? ?? ???????:??; ???, 1986b?????? ?? ???????:???; ??? ?, 1989????? ???: ??? ?? ?? ?????:???; ???, ?, 1988?????? ???:?????????:???; Suh Dae-Sook (ed.) "Koreans in the Soviet Union". Honolulu, 1987; Chey, Youn-Cha Shin. "Soviet Koreans and their Culture in the USSR // Suh Dae-sook (ed.), Koreans in the Soviet Union, Honolulu, 1987, pp.60-84; Chey, Youn-Cha Shin. "Korean Studies in the Soviet Union: A Historical Perspective", Korea Journal, 1989, Vol. 29, No. 2, pp. 4-15.
Kho,Songmoo. "Koreans in Soviet Central Asia", Studia Orientalia. Vol.61, Helsinki, 1987.
King, J.R.P. "An Introduction to Soviet Korean", Language Research, Vol. 23, No. 2, Seoul 1987, pp. 233-277; King, J.R.P. "The Korean Dialect Materials in Matveev's Reference Book to the City of Vladivostok", Language Research, Vol. 24, No. 2, 1989, pp. 281-329; King J.R.P. "Blagoslovennoe: Korean village on the Amur, 1871-1937." Review of Korean Studies, vol. 4, No. 2 (December), pp. 133-176. Korea: Academy of Korean Studies.
???·???, 1993?????- ???? ?????:???; . ???, 1994??????, ? ??? ??????:?????; ? ?, 1995???? ?? ????????:??? etc.
Huttenbach, Henry R. "The Soviet Koreans". Central Asian Survey 12:1 (1993): 59-69. Gelb, Michael. "An Early Soviet Ethnic Deportation: The Far-Eastern Koreans". Russian Review, vol. 54, July 1995; Lee, Chaimun. "A Comparative Study on the Forced Deportations of Two Ethnic Groups: Soviet Koreans and Volga Germans." - In Embracing the Other: The Interaction of Korean and Foreign Cultures: Proceedings of the 1st World Congress of Korean Studies, II. Songnam, Republic of Korea: The Academy of Korean Studies, 2002; Oka, Natsuko. "Deportation of Koreans from the Russian Far East to Central Asia." In Komatsu Hideo, Obiya Chika, and John S. Schoeberlein, eds. Migration in Central Asia: Its History and Current Problems. Osaka: The Japan Center for Area Studies, National Museum of Ethnology, 2000; Oka Natsuko. "The `Triadic Nexus' in Kazakhstan: A сomparative Study of Russians, Uighurs, and Koreans". Ieda, Osamu et al. eds., Beyond Sovereignty: From Status Law to Transnational Citizenship?, Sapporo, Japan: Slavic Research Center, Hokkaido University, 2006, pp. 359-380.
Alexander Diener. "Homeland as Social Construct: Territorialization among Kazakhstan's Germans and Koreans." Nationalities Papers, Vol.34, No.2, May 2006, pp.201-235
German Kim. "Korean Studies in Central Asia: from Taboo to Boom". Proceedings of the 7th International Pacific Association of Korean Studies (PACKS), 18-21 October, 2004, Chinese Culture University, Taipei, 2004, pp. 30-51.
Kim G.N.[German Kim] Khan V.S.[Valery Khan] "Topical Problems and Prospects of Korean Diaspora in Central Asia", International Journal of Central Asian Studies. Institute of Asian Culture and Development, Seoul, No.5, 2000, pp. 45-61.
Kim Syn Hwa. Ocherk po istorii sovetsikh Koreitsev [ A Study of the History of the Soviet Koreans ]. Alma-Ata: Nauka, 1965
Kim German N. "Kore Saram or Koreans of the Former Soviet Union in the Past and Present", Amerasia Journal. 2003-2004, Vol. 29, Number 03, pp. 14-19
Pak B.D.[Boris Pak] "Koreitsy v Sovetskoy Rossii." [ Pak B.D. Koreans in the Soviet Russia ]. М. - Irkutsk, 1995.
Conquest, R. "The Nation Killers". New York: Macmillan, 1970; Gelb, Michael. "An Early Soviet Ethnic Deportation: The Far-Eastern Koreans." Russian Review, vol. 54, July 1995; J.Otto Pohl. "Ethnic Cleansing in the USSR, 1937-1949". Westport,CT, Greenwood Press. 1999; Oka, Natsuko. "Deportation of Koreans from the Russian Far East to Central Asia." In Komatsu Hideo, Obiya Chika, and John S. Schoeberlein, eds. Migration in Central Asia: Its History and Current Problems.Osaka: The Japan Center for Area Studies, National Museum of Ethnology, 2000; Kim German N. "The Deportation of 1937 as a Logical Continuation of Tsarist and Soviet Nationality Policy in the Russian Far East." German Nikolaevich Kim and Ross King (Eds.) The Koryo Saram: Koreans in the Former USSR. Korean and Korean American Studies Bulletin. Vol. 2&3, 2001, pp.19-45
Kim P.G. [Pyotr Kim] "Koreitsy Respubliki Uzbekistan" [ Kim P.G. Koreans in the Republic of Uzbekistan ]. Tashkent, 1993; Kan G.V. [ Georgy Kan] "Istoriya koreitsev Kazakhstana" [ Kan G.V. The History of Koreans in Kazakhstan ]. Almaty, 1995.
"Sovetskiye Koreitsy (entseklopedicheskiy slovar)." [Soviet Koreans of Kazakhstan ( A Reference Book )]. Alma-Ata, 1992, p.56.
???·???, 1993?????- ???? ?????:???
kobonjl - is a specific, characteristic of the Soviet Koreans semi-legal occupation of vegetable-growing and water-melon and melon growing, based on a group rent of land and headed by a brigade-leader and connected with seasonal territorial migrations. See more: Back Tae Hyeon. "The Social Reality faced by Ethnic Koreans in Central Asia", German Nikolaevich Kim and Ross King (Eds.) The Koryo Saram: Koreans in the Former USSR. Korean and Korean American Studies Bulletin. Vol. 2&3, 2001, pp. 45-89; ???, ? ??? ??, "????? ??? ????.?????? ????? ??? ??". [Kvon Hee Yong, Khan Valery. "Chung'ang Asia chowon'y yurang non'eub. Uzbekistan Koryo saram'yi kobonjil. Kobongjil of Koreans in Uzbekistan"] ?? ???????, 2004.
As a source for this article were different official documents. Economic and family books of "Korean" Kolkhozes and Sovkhozes in the period between 1940 and 1990, lists of Korean Inhabitants in the town of Ushtobe, in the region of Taldy-Kurgan, the birth registration books in the archives of ZAGS (office for the recording and preservation of the acts of marital and family status) of the Kalinin district (raion) of Alma-Ata (former capital of Kazakhstan) and of Kaskelen and Talgar districts of Alma-Ata Province (oblast). A very helpful secondary source was the list of Korean scholars, professors, public figures and cultural workers given in the appendix of the book "Koreans of Kazakhstan in sciences, technology and culture", Almaty, 2002. 624 p.
Dzharylgasynova R. [Roza Dzharylgasynova] "Second Names as Historical and Ethnographical Source", Onomastika Powolojiya. Ulyanovsk, 1969, p.22-27; Dzharylgasynova R. "Anthroponomical Processes among the Koreans of Central Asia and Kazakhstan", Lichniye imena v proshlom, nastoyaschem I buduschem. Мoscow, 1970, p.146-143; Dzharylgasynova R. "On the Characteristics of the Present-day Anthroponomical Model of the Koreans living in the Rural Regions of the Uzbek SSR", Onomastika Sredney Azii. Мoscow, 1978, p.203-205; Kim G.N. [German Kim] "The Anthroponomy of Koreans", Imena narodov Kazakhstana. Alma-Ata, 1990, p. 77-90; Kim G.N. [German Kim]. "Traditions and Innovations in the Anthroponomy of Koreans in Kazakhstan", Vestnik KazGU. Seriya vostokovedeniya. N13, 2000, p. 35-40; Kim O. [Olga Kim]. " On Studying the Anthroponomy of Koreans in the USSR", Onomastika Vostoka. Мoscow, 1980, p. 59-62.
Dzharylgasynova R. [Roza Dzharylgasinova]. "Basic Tendencies of Ethnic Processes among the Koreans of Central Asia and Kazakhstan", Etnicheskiye prozessy u natsionalnykh grupp Sredney Azii i Kazakstana. Мoscow, 1980, p. 43-73.
Kim German. "Traditions and Innovations in the Names of Koreans in the Central Asia", Embracing the Other: The Interaction of Korean and Foreign Cultures. Proceedings of the 1st World Congress of Korean Studies. Seoul. Academy of Korean Studies. Vol.2, 2002, p. 585-589
Great Korean-Russian Dictionary. (Two Volumes). Eds. L.B. Nikolskiy and Tsoi Den Kho. М., 1976, pp. 805-806.
Pak I.T. [Ivan Pak] Koreitsy Kazakstana v nauke, tekhnike i kulture. [Pak I.T. Koreans of Kazakhstan in sciences, technique and culture] Almaty, 2002. - 624 p.
Recently the number of bons was appreciably reduced and Kims preserved only 241 clans, and Park - 128. In total, in the middle of twentieth century in Korea it was in total 3, 349 clans which very much differed from each other in number of the members. In 1985, five clans had more than one million members: Clans Kimhae, Kyongju, Chongju of Kim, clan Miryan of Park and Kyongju of Lee. There are 28 clans, whose number exceeded a quarter of a million people.
1st May - International day of Workers Solidarity - one of the great holidays of soviet Epoch
Fieldworks notes. 1990, vol. 2
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