Acculturation and Korean-American Children's Social and Play Behavior

Acculturation and Korean-American Children's Social and Play Behavior

Jo Ann M. Farver, University of Southern California and Yoolim Lee-Shin, Shamgyung University, South Korea

Abstract

This study examined how acculturation styles are related to Korean immigrant mothers' parenting and play attitudes and their young children s social and play behavior. 108 Korean-American and 52 European-American mothers completed the Parents as Teacher Inventory and a play questionnaire. Observers recorded children s social and play behavior during free play activities in their preschool, and teachers rated their social behavior. Korean-American mothers completed an acculturation measure. Results showed Korean-American mothers who had an 'assimilated' acculturation style, were more accepting and encouraging of children s creativity and play, and reported more parent-child play in the home than mothers with an integrated, marginal, or separated acculturation styles. Children of assimilated and integrated mothers engaged in more frequent pretend play and were rated by their teachers as being more difficult. The results suggest there are distinct cultures of family life and childhood that manifest themselves as Korean immigrant families individually adapt to life in the U.S. The findings support the importance of examining cultural differences that exist between people whose ancestry can be traced to the same nationality.

Keywords: acculturation; play; social behavior; Korean culture

Introduction

The purpose of this study was to investigate how Korean immigrant mothers' acculturation is related to their parenting attitudes and their young children's social and play behavior. Acculturation is denned as 'the extent to which individuals have maintained their culture of origin or have adapted to the larger society' (Phinney, 1996: 921). Early models viewed acculturation as a linear process with individuals ranging on a continuum from unacculturated to assimilated (e.g., Gordon, 1964). More recently, research with Asian, Latin American, and Middle Eastern immigrants (Bond & Yang, 1982; Rueschenberg & Buriel, 1989; Triandis, Kashima, Shimada, & Villareal, 1986), has led to a more complex model where acculturation is regarded as a multidimensional process that includes an orientation toward one's own ethnic group, the larger society, and other ethnic groups (Berry, Kim, Power, Young, & Bujaki, 1989). According to

Correspondence should be sent to J. Farver, Department of Psychology, University of Southern California, Los Angeles, CA 90089-1061, USA. Farver@rcf.usc.edu.

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Acculturation and Play 317

Berry's model (i.e., Berry, 1990; Berry & Kim, 1988; Berry et al, 1989 Berry et al, 1989), there are four ways immigrants can associate with the host culture. They can assimilate (identify solely with the dominant culture and sever ties with their own culture), marginalize (reject both their own and the host culture), separate (identify solely with their own group and reject the host culture), or integrate (become 'bicultural' by maintaining some characteristics of their ethnic group while selectively acquiring those of the host culture).

One line of research has investigated the psychological impact of immigration and acculturation on individual behavior and family functioning (e.g., Booth, Crouter, & Lansdale, 1997). For example, current studies suggest 'integration' may be the most adaptive form of acculturation (Berry, Kim, Minde, & Мок, 1987). That is, individuals who become integrated or bicultural experience less 'acculturative stress,' (Berry & Kim, 1988; Sam & Berry, 1995), anxiety, and fewer psychological problems, than those who choose to marginalize, separate, or assimilate (La Framboise, Coleman, & Gerton, 1993). Research with school children and adolescents found bicultural youths were more self-assertive, had higher self-esteem, social competence, and overall psychological well-being, than did their non-bicultural counterparts (Bautista, Crawford, & Wolfe, 1994; Ghruman, 1997; Gil, Vega, & Dimas, 1994; Golden, 1987; Martinez, 1987; Vollebergh & Huiberts, 1997). Several investigators have also found children whose immigrant parents preferred 'separation' (and/or did not wish to learn about the new culture), manifested more psychological problems, than children whose parents adopted an integrated mode of acculturation (Barankin, Konstantareas, & Bosset, 1989; Koplow & Messinger, 1990; Minde & Minde, 1976).

A second line of research has focused on modes or individual styles of acculturation to delineate within-group cultural differences. This approach assumes the acculturation process produces common patterns of experience among immigrants as they adapt to life in the United States. Therefore, acculturation has been studied with respect to how it may affect individual immigrant families, and how culture influences children's early socialization and development. For example, in a study of Asian Indian families, Patel, Power, and Bhavnagri (1996) found parents who were more accultur-ated, adopted relatively 'Americanized' child rearing attitudes and behaviors, and were more likely to encourage 'American' characteristics in their children, than were parents who were less acculturated. Similarly, in a comparison of 'mono-cultural' and bicultural Mexican mothers' reasoning about child development, Gutierrez and Sameroff (1990) found bicultural mothers developed a more objective understanding of their children's behavior which in turn, enhanced their parenting behavior and children's developmental outcomes.

Parenting Attitudes and Children's Social Behavior

The notion that parents develop and use a system of beliefs in socializing their children is a longstanding one in developmental psychology (McGillicuddy-Delisi, 1982; Sameroff & Feil, 1985; Sigel, 1985; Parke, 1978). However, it is only recently that parent belief systems have been systematically studied with regard to developmental outcomes for children of diverse cultural backgrounds (Harkness & Super, 1994). For example, analyses of young children's activity settings across cultural contexts illustrate how parents' attitudes toward play and their structuring of children's physical and social environments influence children's play (Farver, 1998). Specifically, parents who valued play for perceived educational and cognitive benefits, were more likely to

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participate in children's activities, than were parents who viewed play as amusement or imitation of adult models (Farver & Howes, 1993; Farver & Wimbarti, 1995a,b).

Similarly, in three studies, Farver and her colleagues (Farver, Kim, & Lee, 1995; Farver & Lee-Shin, 1997; Farver, Kim, & Lee-Shin, 1999) reported comparable patterns for European- and Korean-American preschoolers, their teachers, and parents. In the Korean-American settings where play was considered relatively unimportant for children's development, and adults maintain a social distance from children, parents and teachers emphasized academic tasks over play activities, and they rarely engaged in play themselves. By contrast, consistent with their beliefs about the positive benefits of play for children's socio-emotional development, and greater informality in relationships between children and adults, European-American parents and teachers emphasized play over academic tasks, and were frequent participants in children's activities.

While these findings are consistent with studies that show a positive relationship between adult attitudes toward children's play and the frequency with which it occurs (Haight & Miller, 1993; Garvey, 1990; Gaskins, 1996; Goncti, 1995; Tudge, Hogan, Lee, Meltsas, Tammeveski, Kulakova, Snezhkova, & Putnam, 1998), it is unclear how parents' attitudes and beliefs vary as they adjust to living in the United States, and how these in turn, influence children's social functioning and play behavior. Moreover, given that Asians are one of the fastest growing U.S. immigrant populations (Buriel & DeMent, 1997), it is important to better understand the dynamics of the acculturation process and how it affects outcomes for young children and their families.

In our prior studies with Korean-American families we measured acculturation, but these data were not analyzed because there was little variance across the samples. Accordingly, the current study was designed to extend our prior on children's play in cultural context by collecting comparable data, but with a larger and more diverse sample of Korean-American preschoolers and their immigrant parents; and to include a 'mainstream' European-American comparison group as a point of reference. Our primary objective was to explore the distinct cultures of family life and childhood that emerge as families, whose ancestry can be traced to the same nationality, adjust to the American lifestyle.

Korean Culture

Acculturation may be more stressful for some ethnic groups than for others (Berry, Kim, & Boski, 1988; Keefe & Padilla, 1987). Generally, the greater the difference between the immigrant and the new culture, the higher the stress (Heras & Revilla, 1994; Thomas, 1995; La Framboise et al, Padilla, 1986; Phinney, 1990). Korean researchers have suggested it may be especially difficult for Korean-American individuals to achieve bicultural functioning for several reasons. First, according to Min (1995; 1991a;b), Korean immigrants generally manifest stronger 'ethnic attachment,' (i.e., the tendency to maintain cultural traditions and to associate primarily within ethnic social networks), than all other Asian immigrant groups. Koreans tend to speak mostly Korean inside and outside the home, read primarily Korean newspapers, eat mainly Korean food, practice Korean customs most of the time, and affiliate with at least one ethnic organization or social network, most typically a Korean immigrant Christian church (Chang, 1991; Min, 1995; 1991a;b; Howe, 1988; Hurh & Kim, 1988; Mangiafico, 1988). Moreover, Korean immigrants are often segregated from the wider

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economy as small business owners or employees of Korean-owned businesses (Min, 1989), which strengthens Korean self-identity by maintaining social interactions with fellow immigrants, reinforcing Korean customs, and the speaking the Korean language.

Second, there are distinct differences between traditional Korean and contemporary American culture. Although sweeping social changes have recently occurred in South Korea, families retain traditional values inherited from the Confucian past which bear on their child rearing practices, parent-child relationships, and children's development and behavior (S. Kim, 1995; S. W. Lee, 1990; Park & Cho, 1995). For example, social relationships continue to be based on a hierarchy of status difference reflecting age, role, and gender (Howe, 1988; Min, 1995; Park et al, 1995). Therefore, there is little informality in parent-child relationships (Park et al., 1995; Lee & Lee, 1990; Julian, Me Henry, & Me Kelvey, 1994), children maintain a social distance from adults (Min, 1988; Park, 1981), and are expected to be obedient and respectful of authority (Strom, Daniels, & Park, 1986; Park et al., 1995).

Also, consistent with Confucian tradition, Koreans view education as the means to social mobility, family respect, and honor (S. J. Kim, 1995; Choy, 1979; Hong, 1982; Kao, 1995; Kitano, 1982; Min, 1995). In a recent survey (Los Angeles Times, 1992), most Korean informants reported they migrated for economic benefits and educational opportunities for their children. Frequently individuals who were educated in Korea, remain underemployed because they lack skills for professional level jobs (Holt, 1989; Kahng, 1990; Yu, 1987). Therefore, it is not surprising parents have high expectations for their children's early academic progress.

Third, according to Kim and Choi (1994), Korean immigrants initially have problems shifting their frame of reference from a relational mode (i.e., group interdependence, sensitivity to others, and a collectivistic orientation), to an aggregate mode (i.e., independence, self-reliance, autonomy, and an individualistic orientation). Therefore, parents may experience dissonance in their psychological functioning and in reconciling expectations for their children's behavior with a strong desire to maintain cultural traditions and family harmony (Rohner & Pettengill, 1985; Kim et al., 1994; S. Kim, 1995; Lee et al., 1990). For example, in contrast with American culture, modest or self-restrained behavior is a valued personal trait in most Asian societies (Tseng, 1973). Studies conducted in mainland China and South Korea have shown school children and young adolescents who are 'inhibited,' or what Westerners would consider 'shy,' are often more popular with peers than are children who are 'outgoing'or gregarious (Chen, Rubin, & Sun, 1992; Kim, 1994).

Given these differences, we expected Korean adults' acculturation styles to be related to the individual adjustments they make in parenting attitudes, expectations for children's behavior and development, and interactions with their children. Accordingly, we developed several research questions: (1.) How are Korean-American mothers' parenting attitudes and beliefs about play related to their style of acculturation? (2.) How are mothers' styles acculturation related to their children's social and play in preschool settings? and (3.) As parents acculturate, do their parenting attitudes and beliefs about play become more similar to those of mainstream American parents? and (4.) Does their children's social behavior become more similar to that of American children? To address these questions observers recorded children's social interaction and play behavior, mothers completed play and parenting questionnaires. Korean-American mothers completed an acculturation measure. Teachers rated children's social behavior.

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320 Jo Ann M. Farver and Yoolim Lee-Shin

Methods

Participants

Participants were 108 Korean-American and 52 European-American preschool children and their mothers. The children were evenly divided by gender and ranged in age from 35 to 68 months (M = 53.79; SD = 6.57). All families were intact and middle-class (Hollingshead, 1976), with one to four children (M = 1.47 children). In most families, both parents were employed, held college degrees, and had household incomes greater than $40,000. Children all had attended their preschools for at least four months before the beginning of the study (M= 18.57; SD = 5.96).

The Korean children were born in the U.S., whereas their parents had all immigrated from South Korea two to thirteen years ago (M= 5.9 years). Korean children attended two full-day year-round all-Korean preschool programs, staffed entirely by Korean immigrant teachers, in a Korea town community of a large west coast city. The teachers had all completed early childhood courses required by state licensing.

The European-American families were all white and traced their ancestry to Western Europe several generations ago. The group did not contain any immigrants. These children also attended a full-day year-round preschool in the same metropolitan area staffed entirely by European-American teachers with the state required early childhood course work. To ensure the preschools were comparable with regard to children's opportunities for peer interaction and play, we chose structured academically-oriented programs that were very similar in curriculum, stated goals and philosophy, adult-child ratio, group size, class room materials, and frequency and length of children's outdoor free play periods. In the city where the data were collected, preschools vary greatly from highly structured programs, (like the Korean-American settings where there is more emphasis on pre-reading, writing, and language skills, than on play or social skills), to experimental play-based programs. Therefore, for the European-American comparison group we were careful to choose a preschool with a structured academic program. Moreover, due to falling achievement test scores and the call for a 'back to basics' approach in the city's very large school district, it was not difficult to find a preschool setting comparable to the Korean-American program.

Procedures and Measures

Child measures.

Observations of peer interaction and pretend play complexity. To ensure the observations represented children's social behaviors, children were observed individually in random order on eight different occasions during outdoor free play activity in their preschools over a five-month period. Using a check list procedure adopted from Howes (1988), observers recorded the presence or absence of preselected behaviors every 60-sec. for five minutes. Observations began when a child started to interact with a peer and continued for five minutes whether or not they maintained the interaction. Observed behaviors included play initiations, responses, and social play complexity.

Categories of social behavior were formed from the observations. Composite variables included the following. Positive social interaction was the number of times the target child initiated play (offer object or verbal invitation), and the partner responded by accepting the play invitation, or the partner initiated play, and the target child accepted the invitation. Negative social interaction was the number of times the target child initiated play, and the partner responded by rejecting, ignoring, or aggressing

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against the target child, or the partner initiated play, and the target child responded by rejecting, ignoring, or aggressing against the partner.

The target child's highest level of social level play during each 60-sec. interval was noted using a scale developed by Howes (1988). Solitary play was coded when the child was playing alone. Parallel play was coded when the child and partner(s) engaged in the same or similar activity but did not make eye contact. Social play was coded when the child and partner(s) engaged in social play with a turn-taking structure and role reversal. Social pretend play was coded when the child and partner(s) engaged in fantasy play (i.e., children acted or used objects in an 'as if manner, engaged in scripted pretend play, or enacted complementary pretend role, such as mother and baby). Proportions were computed for frequencies of children's social behaviors and levels of play. Because solitary play was very infrequent, (i.e., less than 1% of the observations), it was dropped from analysis.

Bilingual Korean-American research assistants who were blind to research objectives collected the data. Prior to the data collection, the first author trained the assistants to a criterion of 90% agreement. To establish reliability, the first author and the assistants simultaneously recorded 15, 5-min observations. Observations were compared and scored. This procedure was repeated twice during the data collection period to reduce inter observer drift. Cohen's kappas inter observer reliabilities on the individual variables ranged from .85 to .91 (median = .89).

Teacher ratings.

Teachers completed a 5-point Likert rating scale for 16 dimensions of each child's functioning with peers. Three composite scores were computed from the 16 items to represent social competence with peers (see Howes, 1988 for this analysis). Difficult: the child is easily upset and reacts with anger if interrupted by peers, bosses and dominates, hits, pushes, or hurts other children, and is unable to share or take turns (Cron-bach a: European-American = .88; Korean-American = .87). Hesitant: the child withdraws from peer activity, watches rather than participates, and is characteristically shy with peers (Cronbach a: European-American = .81; Korean-American = .80). Sociable: the child is liked by peers and initiates activities with peers (Cronbach a: European-American = .79; Korean-American = .76).

Parent measures.

Family Demography. Mothers completed a demographic questionnaire containing

items about their level of education, employment status, and family composition.

Play in the home. Mothers completed a questionnaire about play in the home which consisted of three open-ended questions (Farver et al., 1995): 1. Who plays most often with your child at home?; 2. What is the most common activity you do with your child?; and 3. Why do you think children play? Mothers' answers were collapsed into mutually exclusive categories and summed. Most common play partners included parents only; siblings only; and other children. Most common parent-child activities were academic/educational; outdoor activities/games with rules; and pretend play. Responses about the purpose of play were fun, (i.e., to relieve boredom, curiosity, and amusement); educational/development (i.e., play contributes to cognitive, social, and emotional development; and helps children learn); and no reason (no stated reason or 'did not know').

Parenting Attitudes. Mothers also completed the Parents as a Teacher Inventory (PAAT) (Strom, 1994). This measure consists of 50 statements rated on a 4-point scale

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(1 = strong no; 4 = strong yes), for five dimensions of parents' expectations of their child, their responses to various child behaviors, and characteristics of parent-child interaction in the home. The PAAT has been used with numerous cross-cultural and multi ethnic samples (Daniels, Wurster, Betz, Graf, & Jansen, 1983), low-income U.S. families, children with disabilities, and Korean-American immigrants (Park, 1984; 1986). (Also see Strom, 1994 for a description of these studies and their associated reliabilities).

Using the guidelines accompanying the measure, a graduate student scored the PAAT and computed five composite factors for each mother. The answers were keyed such that high scores reflected a 'positive' attitude for each subset. The creativity subset measured parents' acceptance of their child's creativity and their willingness to encourage its development (Cronbach a: European-American = .75; Korean-American = .76). The frustration subset measured parents' frustration with parenting and the focus of their frustration (i.e., a high score indicated fewer problems) (Cronbach a: European-American = .79; Korean-American = .74). The control subset measured parents' feelings about control issues and the extent to which parental control of child behavior is deemed necessary (i.e., a high score indicated less need for control over the child's behavior) (Cronbach a: European-American = .74; Korean-American = .73). The play subset measured parents' understanding of play and its influence on child development (Cronbach a: European-American = .77; Korean-American = .72). The teaching-learning subset measured parents' perceived ease in providing learning experiences in the home for their child (Cronbach a: European-American = .73; Korean-American = .79).

Acculturation Questionnaire. Korean parents completed the Suinn-Lew Asian Self-Identity Acculturation Scale (SL-ASIA) (Suinn, Rikard-Figueroa, Lew, & Vigil, 1987) modified for the Korean population. The SL-ASIA, which was modeled on the Cuellar, Harris and Jasso (1980) acculturation scale for Mexican-Americans, consists of 20 questions rated on a 5-point Likert scale (1 = very Korean/Korean; 5 = very Anglicized/Western). There are six items about language (i.e., concerning comfort and ability to speak Korean and English, language preference, and the language one generally 'thinks in'), four items on self-identity and ethnic pride, eight items on friendships and behaviors (i.e., four items on the frequency and extent of involvement in activities with Americans or other ethnic groups, and four items on the frequency and extent of involvement in activities with Koreans), and two items on generational and geographic background.

The items assessing self-identity, ethnic pride, generational, and geographic background were analyzed separately. Because the scoring of the SL-Asia yields a more linear rather than an orthogonal measure of acculturation style, the other 14 items were scored using a method adopted from the Bicultural Involvement Questionnaire (BIQ) (Szapocznik, Kurtines, & Fernandez, 1980). The original BIQ assesses the degree to which individuals feel comfortable in their culture of origin and the dominant society, independent of the other. First, two sub scales were calculated. One measuring 'Americanism' was the sum of the four items reflecting involvement in American culture, and three items on English language fluency, use, and preference. The other measuring 'Koreanism' was the sum of the four items reflecting involvement in Korean culture, and three items in Korean language fluency, use, and preference). Next, a bicultural score was obtained by subtracting the Americanism score from the Koreanism score. Scores close to zero indicated biculturalism, whereas scores deviating from zero with a positive difference score reflected monoculturahsm in the Korean direction, and

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a negative difference score reflected monoculturalism in the American direction. Next, a cultural involvement score was obtained by summing the Koreanism and Americanism scores. A high score indicated a greater degree of cultural involvement and a low score indicated cultural marginality, (i.e., a lack of involvement in either culture). Based on median splits, parents were classified into 'low' and 'high' levels of biculturalism, and 'low' and 'high' levels of cultural involvement scores.

Using these two scores, parents were categorized into one of four Acculturation Styles. High scores on both the bicultural and cultural involvement scales denoted an integrated individual, who is involved with both cultures. A high score on the cultural involvement and a low score on the biculturalism scale indicated an assimilated individual, who is involved in the American culture and has relinquished most ties to the Korean culture. Low scores on both scales reflected a marginal individual who may have lost touch with the culture of origin, and has little involvement with American society. Finally a high score on the biculturalism and a low score on the cultural involvement scale reflected a separated individual, who focuses primarily on the Korean culture and has little contact or interaction with the American mainstream.

Results

Preliminary Analyses

To examine relations among the independent variables, correlations were computed for the entire sample. As shown in Table 1, the teachers' ratings were moderately correlated with the parent-rated PAAT items, and observations of children's social and pretend play. Then to test whether correlations between the ethnic groups differed, we conducted tests for homogeneity of variances (see Tabachnick & Fidell, 1989). The results showed that out of 16 variables, only five were significantly different between the two groups: proportions of positive interaction and pretend play, and the PAAT items for play and control. Because there were no significant findings for age, sex, and birth order, these variables were dropped from further analysis.

Acculturation Scores

As shown in Table 2, 24 of the Korean-American mothers were categorized as integrated, 26 assimilated, 28 separated, and 30 marginal. Separated mothers were more likely to self-identify as being 'very Korean,' whereas integrated and assimilated mothers were more likely to self-identify as being 1.5 generation, %²(6) = 44.94, p = .000. Integrated, assimilated, and marginal mothers were more likely to have little pride in being Korean, whereas separated mothers were more likely to be very proud of being Korean, %²(12) = 20.81, p = .002. Analysis of variance tests comparing the length of residence in the U.S. and SES by acculturation style were not significant.

Korean-American Mothers' Acculturation Styles by Their Parenting Attitudes

To understand how Korean-American mothers' parenting attitudes might be related to their style of acculturation, we compared their responses to the five PAAT items by the four acculturation styles using a multivariate analysis of variance test (MANOVA).

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I Table 1. Intercorrelation of the Variables (N = 160) ^

! "

Variables	1	2	3	4	5	6	7	8	9	10	11	12	13	14 15 16
1. Sex	--
2. Difficult	-.14	--
3. Sociable	.09	-.07	--
4. Hesitant	.01	-.01	-.10	--
5. Pos interaction	.07	.15*	.23**	-.03	--
6. Neg interaction	-.07	-.15*	-.23**	-.03	.07	--
7. Parallel play	-.13	-.15*	-.18*	.03	.15*	-.16*	--
8. Social play	.09	-.04	.08	-.16*	.16*	-.16*	-.10	--
9. Pretend play	.08	.19*	.06	-.14	.18*	-.20*	-.32**	.21*	--
10. PAAT creativity	.07	-.11	.27**	-.22**	.24**	-.24**	-.35**	-.07	.03	--
11. PAAT frustration*	.12	-.07	.23**	-.08	.18*	-.18*	-.28*	.09	.08	.07	--
12. PAAT control*	-.02	-.28**	.36**	-.12	.08	-.08	-.13	-.01	-.07	-.23**	.71**	--
13. PAAT play	.05	.17*	.20*	-.05	-.38**	-.04	-.37**	-.06	.63**	.67**	-.19**	.37**	--
14. PAAT teaching	.13	-.07	.40**	-.05	.21**	-.21*	-.08	.08	.08	.29**	.50**	.61**	.39**	--
15. Birth order	.09	-.02	.08	-.06	-.14	.07	-.07	.04	.02	.14	.11	.14	.17	.04 --
16. Age	-.14	.05	-.14	-.14	-.12	-.11	-.10	-.04	.13	-.12	-.14	.05	-.14	-.11 -.12 --

-8

3 * high scores indicate positive attitudes. В **p = .01,*p = .05.

Acculturation and Play 325 Table 2. Korean-American Sample Description (N = 108)

	Korean-American Acculturation		Style
	Integrated	Assimilated	Separated	Marginal
	N = 24	N = 26	N = 28	N = 30
Ethnic Pride
Very proud	6 (25%)	6 (23%)	14 (50%)	6 (20%)
Somewhat	8 (33%)	2 (8%)	8 (29%)	8 (27%)
Little or none	10 (42%)	18 (69%)	6 (21%)	16 (53%)
Self-Identity
Very Korean	6 (25%)	6 (23%)	24 (86%)	16 (53%)
Mostly Korean	8 (33%)	8 (31%)	4(14)	14 (47%)
1.5 generation	10 (42%)	12 (46%)	0	0

There was a significant multivariate F for acculturation style, F(15, 306) = 5.93, p = 000. As shown in Table 3, compared with the other three groups, mothers who had a separated acculturation style had higher scores on the items for teaching-learning, F(3, 104) = 10.04; p = 000, (Scheffe = .05), frustration with parenting, F(3, 104) = 16.36; p = 000, (Scheffe = .05), and need for control over their children's behavior, F(3, 104)= 16.96;/" = 000, (Scheffe = .05). Assimilated mothers had higher scores on the items for acceptance of children's creativity, F(3, 104) = 14.16, p = .000, (Scheffe = .05), and understanding of play as an influence on child development, F(3, 104) = 16.85; p = .000, (Scheffe = .05), than did separated, marginal, or integrated mothers.

Korean-American Mothers 'Acculturation Styles by Play in the Home

To understand how mothers' beliefs about play might be related to their acculturation styles, we compared the play questionnaire responses using chi square analyses. Integrated and assimilated mothers were more likely to report pretend play as a common home activity, than were marginal or separated mothers, whereas separated and marginal mothers were more likely to report academic activities, %²(8) = 26.95, j9 = .001. Assimilated mothers were more likely to report parents as common play partners, whereas marginal and separated mothers were more likely to report siblings and other children, %²(8) = 63.80, p = .000. Integrated mothers were more likely to consider play an educational activity, whereas separated and marginal mothers were more likely yo view play as children's amusement, or were unsure, %²(8) = 18.34, p = .02.

Korean-American Mothers' Acculturation Styles by Proportions of Children's Play Behavior and Teachers' Ratings of Children's Social Functioning with Peers

To examine how children's social and play behaviors might be related to their mothers' acculturation, we compared proportions of children's peer interaction and play

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Table 3. Mothers' Style of Acculturation by Parenting Attitudes

	Acculturation Styles										rver с
	Integrated	Assimilated	Separated	Marginal	USA		F	F	\|
												USA x 4 Korean	olim
Attitudes	M	SD	M	SD	M	SD	M	SD	M	SD	Koreans	Groups	Lee
Teaching/learning	23.92	(1.46)	25.33	(3.21)	27.86	(2.61)	25.46	(3.08)	30.50	(2.59)	10.04***	36.55***
Creativity	24.38	(2.24)	26.08	(3.32)	21.50	(2.02)	23.46	(2.67)	27.35	(2.84)	14.16***	25.67***
Frustration	22.50	(1.06)	24.53	(4.60)	28.78	(2.75)	27.13	(2.67)	27.35	(2.85)	16.36***	34 24***
Control	22.67	(1.12)	24.92	(3.24)	27.57	(2.30)	25.87	(2.80)	30.47	(3.92)	16.96***	33 27***
Play	25.92	(3.23)	27.75	(3.39)	22.43	(1.20)	24.27	(3.05)	31.90	(3.72)	16.85***	53.02***

V=-05.

Acculturation and Play 327 Table 4. Mothers' Acculturation Styles by Play in the Home

	Acculturation	Styles
	Integrated	Assimilated	Separated	Marginal	American
Home Play	N = 24	N = 26	N = 28	N = 30	N = 52	Chi square
Most common
parent-child
activity
Academic	14 (58%)	8 (31%)	20 (71%)	20 (67%)	20 (39%)	X²(8) = 26.95,
activities						/7 =.001
Pretend play	10 (42%)	14 (54%)	2 (7%)	4 (13%)	27 (52%)
Outdoor play/	0	4 (15%)	6 (21%)	6 (20%)	5 (9%)
games with
rules
Most common
play partner
Parents only	16 (67%)	18 (69%)	4 (14%)	2 (7%)	36 (69%)	X²(8) = 63.80,
Siblings only	8 (33%)	4 (15%)	8 (29%)	12 (40%)	9 (17%)	p = .000
Other children	0	4 (15%)	16 (57%)	16 (53%)	7 (14%)
Purpose of
children's play
Fun, children's	6 (25%)	12 (46%)	10 (36%)	21 (70%)	14 (27%)	X²(8) = 18.35,
amusement						p = .O2
Educational/	14 (58%)	12 (46%)	8 (28%)	7 (21%)	28 (54%)
developmental
No reason/	4 (17%)	2 (8%)	10 (36%)	2 (6%)	10 (19%)
didn't know

complexity, and teachers' ratings by the four acculturation styles using a MANOVA. There was a significant multivariate, F for acculturation style, F(2l, 300) = 3.75; p = .000. As shown in Table 5, compared with children of mothers with the other three acculturation styles, those with marginal mothers engaged in higher proportions of negative peer interaction, F(3, 104) = 2.76; p = .05, and parallel play F(3, 104) = 2.91; p = .04, lower proportions of positive interaction, F(3, 104) = 2.75; p = .05, and pretend play, F(3, 104) = 4.44; p = .004. Children of integrated and assimilated mothers were rated by teachers as being more 'difficult' with peers than were children of marginal or separated mothers, F(3, 104) = 8.43; p = .000. Children of separated mothers were rated by teachers as being more 'hesitant' with peers, F(3, 104) = 6.32; p = .001, than were children of assimilated, integrated, or marginal mothers. There were no significant differences for social play or the teacher rating for 'sociable' with peers.

Comparison of European- and Korean-American Mothers' Parenting and Play Attitudes, and Children s Social Behavior

To examine whether Korean-American mothers' parenting attitudes, beliefs about play, and children's social behavior become similar to their European-American

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Social Development, 9, 3, 2000

Table 5. Mothers'Acculturation Styles by Proportions of Children's Social and Play Behavior and Teachers' Ratings of Children's Social Functioning with Peers

-8

	Acculturation Styles
	Integrated	Assimilated	Separated	Marginal		USA		F	F	rver a
												USAx
												4 Korean	О
	M	SD	M	SD	M	SD	M	SD	M	SD	Koreans	Groups	3
Child Behavior													Lee-.¹
Positive Interaction	.78	(.15)	.84	(.11)	.87	(.07)	.74	(.14)	.74	(.10)	2.76*	8.07***
Negative Interaction	.22	(.15)	.15	(.12)	.13	(.07)	.26	(.14)	.26	(.10)	2.75*	8.07***
Parallel play	.13	(.12)	.20	(.08)	.28	(.13)	.33	(.11)	.11	(.13)	2.91*	29.40***
Social play	.41	(.26)	.32	(.21)	.43	(.22)	.39	(.20)	.34	(.13)	.56	.61
Pretend play	.46	(.15)	.48	(.21)	.29	(.26)	.28	(.23)	.55	(.10)	4 44**	47 34***
Teacher Ratings
Sociable with peers	5.50	(1.53)	6.00	(1.54)	5.93	(1.70)	5.47	(1.52)	7.09	(1.70)	.84	6.27**
Difficult with peers	21.00	(4.88)	20.54	(6.24)	14.86	(.74)	16.47	(5.49)	19.00	(7.10)	8.43***	10.75***
Hesitant with peers	13.33	(2.98)	12.69	(2.66)	15.86	(3.35)	13.33	(2.64)	12.85	(4.77)	6.32**	.33

*;? = .01.

Acculturation and Play 329

counterparts as they adapt to the U.S. lifestyle, we compared the four groups of Korean-American mothers' play and PAAT questionnaire responses and children's social behavior with those of the European-American mothers. The results revealed a significant multivariate F for the PAAT items, F(20, 616) = \А2Ъ,р = .000 (see Table 3 again). Except for frustration, European-American mothers had higher scores on the PAAT items than did the four Korean-American groups. Separated Korean-American mothers' scores for the teaching-learning, frustration, and control items were the most similar to European-American mothers' scores, whereas assimilated Korean-American mothers' scores for the creativity and play items were most similar to the European-American mothers' scores. Chi square analyses showed that integrated and assimilated Korean-American mothers and European-American mothers were most likely to report parent-child pretend play as a common home activity, and to view play as educational (see Table 4 again).

A MANOVA comparing the four Korean-American groups with the European-American mothers for children's play behaviors and the teachers' ratings also revealed a significant multivariate F, F (28, 608) = 5.04; p = .000. Overall, Korean-American children engaged in higher proportions of positive interaction and lower proportions of negative interaction than did the European-American children. Children of integrated and assimilated mothers were more similar to European-American children in their proportions of pretend play and being rated as 'difficult'.

Discussion

The objective of the current study was to extend our prior work on Korean- and European-American children by examining how varied styles of acculturation might be related to mothers' parenting attitudes, beliefs about play, and children's social behavior with preschool peers. The findings lend support for the notion that individual Korean-American immigrants modify their parenting attitudes and behaviors based on the values of the host culture. Based on our use of an orthogonal model, the results showed that there are individual differences in styles (rather than degree or level) of acculturation, even among people whose ancestry can be traced to the same nationality, and that these styles can have a influence on families and children.

Based on Berry's (1980) model of acculturation, and current research on the effects of acculturation on individual psychological functioning (see LaFromboise et al., 1993 for a review), one would expect the integrated Korean-American mothers to manifest the most 'positive' outcomes in terms of their parenting attitudes and their children's social behavior. However, if we compare the integrated mothers with their assimilated, separated, and marginal counterparts, we find the integrated mothers reported more frustration with parenting, a greater need for control over their children's behavior, and less confidence in their ability to facilitate a teaching-learning atmosphere in the home. In addition, their children had high proportions of negative peer interaction, and were rated as being 'difficult' with peers by their teachers. The most obvious explanation for these findings is that acculturation is stressful, and as discussed above, becoming bicultural may not be easy for Korean-Americans. Furthermore, studies with other immigrant groups have found as individuals become bicultural, they do not simply substitute one value system for another, but rather adopt values in varying degrees leading to an integrative style (Patel et al., 1996; Szapocznik et al., 1980; Phinney & Devich-Navarro, 1997; La Fromboise et al., 1993).

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330 Jo Ann M. Farver and Yoolim Lee-Shin

On the other hand, with regard to their attitudes toward play, an argument could be made that the integrated mothers were becoming bicultural by weaving different cultural elements together. For example, compared to separated and marginal mothers, integrated mothers' had more positive attitudes toward children's play and creativity. In addition, about half the integrated mothers reported frequent pretend play in the home (i.e., an 'American' activity), whereas the other half reported academic activities as being frequent (i.e., a 'Korean' activity). Similarly, about half the integrated mothers reported parents as the common play partners, while the other half reported siblings, and more than 50% endorsed play as developmentally important for children. It would seem that integrated mothers were not 'assimilating' to the American lifestyle, because the pattern of results for the assimilated mothers was more similar to the European-American sample, yet different from that of the integrated mothers.

In addition, the results showed children of the integrated and the assimilated Korean-American mothers were rated by their preschool teachers as being more 'difficult' with peers, and they had higher proportions of negative social interaction and pretend play than did children of marginal and separated mothers. These findings suggest that when mothers encourage children's self-expression and endorse the importance of play, children's behavior with their preschool peers appears to reflect these attitudes. That is, children of assimilated mothers (and to a certain degree children of integrated mothers as well), were behaving like self-assertive, individually-oriented European-American children. This further suggests mothers' individual acculturation styles do affect their children's behavior which is observable by teachers who perhaps view it as disruptive or 'difficult,' and not how Korean children 'should' behave. While we acknowledge there may be inherent cultural bias in the teachers' ratings in both ethnic groups, there is a methodological trade-off in collecting data on children and families from diverse cultural backgrounds. One could use non-Koreans (or non-European-Americans) as raters and risk cultural insensitivity, or use Korean (or American) and risk cultural bias. We chose the latter.

In summary, it seems reasonable to argue, by definition, integrated mothers who have considerable contact with the host culture and are exposed to situations which challenge their ways of thinking, develop a new set of values that allows them to function effectively in both cultures. The fact that our study did not yield a 'tidy' pattern of results reflects the complexity of the acculturation process, and quite possibly the integrated mothers' struggle to adjust to the American culture. It would appear that integrated mothers cannot successfully hold both Korean and American attitudes toward play because they are so different. Therefore, their integration is perhaps compartmentalized so that some areas of their lives are 'Korean-like' and some are 'American-like,' but not everything can be a conglomeration of the two sets of beliefs and values. The two approaches to play should not be viewed at cross purposes, or contradictory to the theory being proposed here, but rather demonstrating the difficulty in managing an integrated style successfully and in a way that makes sense to the individual participants.

The pattern of results for the separated and marginal mothers may be easier to explain. Again, according to Berry's (1980) model, we would expect separated Korean individuals to identify with the Korean culture and to more-or-less reject the U.S. lifestyle, and that marginal individuals would reject both cultures. One could argue that because these two groups have less contact with other ethnic groups and tend to remain insulated within inner-city Korean communities, they can maintain the values

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Acculturation and Play 331

and the lifestyle they brought with them from Korea. This notion is supported by the mothers' high scores on the PAAT (indicating low frustration with parenting, less concern with child control issues, confidence in their ability to facilitate a learning environment in the home, predominance of academic activities rather than play in the home, children rather than parents as play partners, and children's social behavior with their preschool peers.

On the other hand, some recent work on acculturation suggests that separated, and in particular, marginalized individuals may be at-risk for psychological problems (La Framboise et al., 1990; Phinney, 1990; Sodowsky & Lai, 1997). If we consider social pretend play as a marker for positive socio-emotional functioning in preschoolers (Campbell, 1990), it is possible the low proportions of pretend play and high proportions of parallel play among the children of separated and marginal mothers are reflective of their mothers' acculturation style. Also, children of separated mothers were rated by their teachers as being more 'hesitant' with peers, and children of marginal mothers had higher proportions of negative peer interaction than did children of mothers from the other three groups. These findings could suggest that it is not only the mothers, but also the children, who bear a significant cost for these non-traditional stances within a Korean-American context. It should also be kept in mind that mothers in the marginalized group may have experienced prior psychological problems which influenced their acculturation style (and their relation to their natal and the host culture), as well as their child's social functioning and behavior. Therefore, we cannot entirely determine the direction of effects.

To highlight differences between the Korean- and European-American mothers' parenting attitudes, we examined some individual questions making up the PAAT sub scales. For example, 54% of the Korean-American and 96% of the European-American mothers believed parents and children should play together; 83% of the Korean-American and 46% of the European-American mothers indicated they had difficulty remaining interested when playing with their child; 71% of the Korean-American and 43% of the European-American mothers preferred their child to play with sex-typed toys; 34% of the Korean-American and 4% of the European-American mothers said they had difficulty thinking of things to say while playing with their children; and 11% of the Korean-American and 66% of the European-American mothers indicated they provide many opportunities for their children to decide. These differences may account for the marginal and separated mothers' responses. Korean researchers have attributed Korean-American parents' reluctance to play with their children to the traditional structure of Korean families where parent-child play is considered culturally inappropriate adult behavior which entails a loss of respect for elders (Yu et al., 1982). Similarly, the Korean-American parents may have found it difficult to sustain an interest in their children's pretend play and may not have been convinced that play is a beneficial medium for teaching.

Overall, the finding that Korean-American children whose mothers had separated and marginal style engaged in less pretend play than did children of integrated and assimilated Korean-American mothers, and European-American children, is consistent with our previous research (Farver et al., 1995; 1997; 1999). In our three prior studies, the Korean-American participants were relatively unacculturated, and frequencies of children's pretend play and mothers' reports of play in the home were similar to the findings for the separated and marginal individuals in the current study. This similarity across the samples suggests acculturation style may account for some

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332 Jo Ann M. Farver and Yoolim Lee-Shin

differences we found in prior our work. Based on our four studies we can begin to develop a model to assess links between culture and outcomes for children as mediated by parents' acculturation styles.

Results of the current study should be interpreted in light of several caveats. First, individuals who choose to immigrate are not identical to the people they left 'back home' (although they may be labeled as 'traditional' (Min, 1995; Yu et al., 1981)), and individuals who voluntarily migrate are different from those who do not (Sodowsky et al., 1997). Also studies of U.S. immigration patterns have shown that if there is a sufficient number of expatriates in one location, individuals will group together to form an ethnic culture which parallels the dominant culture (Sodowsky et al., 1997). The resulting 'society' is an ethnic but not a national culture, because the migrants are simultaneously influenced by the host culture.

Second, we measured acculturation at a single point in time. Acculturation is a dynamic process, and one's preferred style is likely to change over time as a function of individual experience with the host culture. Therefore, to adequately examine acculturation as an individual 'process,' a longitudinal study would be necessary.

Third, our findings could be a reflection of the community where the data were collected. Southern California is a multi-cultural urban environment where immigrants from diverse countries take up residence. Therefore, there are abundant multi-cultural networks that provide a range of choice as to how much individuals wish to participate in the wider society. For example, there are ethnic communities where immigrants can buy items from their country of origin and converse entirely in their own language. Korean-Americans particularly, have the potential to create their own identity based on several ethnic or minority and religious designations depending on which elements they decide to emphasize. Therefore, our results may not be applicable to immigrant families living in other parts of the U.S.

Fourth, the European-American sample was made up of parents who choose to send their children to an academically oriented preschool program--a choice which has implications for parenting attitudes and children's development. Therefore, studying other European-American parents and children may have yielded a more striking comparison to the Korean-American families. In addition, the European-American sample was included to provide a local reference point for the Korean-American group. Therefore, the comparisons should not be construed as 'reifying' white middle class standards as normative.

Fifth, our sample was limited to middle-class families. While in some sense this is a strength, because we could control for the possible confounding of SES with culture. On the other hand this limits the generalizability of the findings to Korean-Americans from different social classes and experiences with the immigration process. Children's play behavior, adults' beliefs, and cultural values may be very different among other socio-economic groups (Tudge, Lee, & Putnam, 1995). Differences found in mothers' child rearing attitudes and in children's behavior should not be construed as cultural deficiencies, but rather as differences in how adults modify children's development toward goals and values consistent with their patterns of coping with their immediate environments. It is not our intention to 'culturally stereotype' the Korean-American groups or the European-Americans. In any case, the Korean-Americans studied here provided yet another valuable opportunity to examine the influence of a non-Western culture on children's play behavior. Work in progress will build on this current research by more directly measuring cultural values, the attributes associated with those values and possible links to psychological outcomes for children and their families.

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Acculturation and Play 333

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Acknowledgements

The authors are grateful to the families and the preschool staff that participated in this study.

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Acculturation and Korean-American Children's Social and Play Behavior